可数性与无数屈折数

M. Paul, Anne Zribi-Hertz, Herby Glaude
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本章探讨了海地克里奥尔语中质量计数的区别,所有名词,包括那些表示“泥”或“悔恨”的名词,都与基数和复数标记结合在一起。本文认为,英语/海地语的差异在于隐蔽分类器的分布——海地语比英语更自由——而不是质量-计数区分的相关性/不相关性。这种区别可以说是基于语法和词汇。名词的子类(例如liv ' book ')在裸时需要3pl代词化,不与少量标记结合,严格地表示实体:它们被认为与词汇诱导的分类器合并。表示物品的名词(labou ' mud ', remò ' remorse ')在代词化方面是矛盾的(3sg/3pl),与少量标记结合,可以表示连续的物品或不连续的物品单位。假设所有词根都必须与分类器特征结合才能触发不连续读数,该特征可能出现在n°(触发实体表示)或Cl°(触发材料单元表示)中。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Countability and Number Without Number Inflection
This chapter explores the mass–count distinction in Haitian Creole, where all nouns, including those meaning ‘mud’ or ‘remorse’, are combinable with cardinals and plural marking. It is argued that the English/Haitian contrast lies in the distribution of covert classifiers—freer in Haitian than in English—rather than in the relevance/irrelevance of the mass–count distinction. This distinction is arguably grounded in both syntax and the lexicon. A subclass of nouns (e.g. liv ‘book’) require 3pl pronominalization when bare, do not combine with small-amount markers, are strictly entity-denoting: they are assumed to merge with a lexically induced classifier. Stuff-denoting nouns (labou ‘mud’, remò ‘remorse’) are ambivalent with respect to pronominalization (3sg/3pl), combine with small-amount markers, and may denote continuous stuff or discontinuous units of stuff. It is assumed that while all lexical roots must combine with a classifier feature to trigger discontinuous readings, this feature may occur in n° (triggering entity denotations) or in Cl° (triggering unit-of-stuff-denotations).
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