环境史的转折点

U. Simonis
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The problems with such an approach, the editor believes, were twofold: (1) there was the issue of monocausalism, and (2) a distinction had to be made between 'before' and 'after'. In the first case, the search for a single factor that put the environment on a downward slope was bound to prove elusive, and corresponding attempts often were defied by the complexity of history. In the second case, the turning point was structurally a 'point of no return', a secular watershed that made the course of history flowing in only one direction. The editor of this book wanted to be more flexible with the concept in order to be more realistic with the results. And so he put the task of definition on the shoulders of the invited authors by asking them to respond to two questions: (1) Where do you see the key turning points of environmental history in your respective field of scholarship? (2) What are the reasons of your choice? Just imagine, these questions would have been put on you, dear reader. We certainly could be sure that the outcome would differ greatly between you, me, and others, and that the structure of any book on such basis would be diverse. Starting a collective book project with no strictly defined hypothesis means running a great risk. It may lead to new and unexpected insight, or to controversial and inconsistent output. How did this project develop, and how do the results look like? First of all, the book is a mix of grand designs, sectoral approaches and strange examples. The first author, John R. McNeill rushes to the realm of global-scale history, the long history of human habitation of the biosphere. Deborah Fitzgerald then looks at agriculture and suggests that the real turning points collect around three extensive historical periods: the first revolution from mid-sixteenth to mid-nineteenth century, the second from mid-nineteenth century until World War II, and the third from World War II to the present. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

《环境史的转折点》,弗兰克·维克特主编,宾夕法尼亚州匹兹堡。:匹兹堡大学出版社2010,xi + 206页,ISBN 978-0-8229-6118-5编辑说,环境历史已经超越了它的童年时代。但是这个领域正在认识到青少年也有自己的问题。例如,从哪里开始寻找环境历史的转折点?这些转折点是什么?如何从物质上、思想上、政治上构建它们?是案例研究还是关键趋势来定义这个领域?对于第一代历史学家来说,环境史的转折点本质上是从生态良性的生活转向破坏性的,或环境不可持续的生活。编辑认为,这种方法的问题是双重的:(1)存在单一因果关系的问题;(2)必须区分“之前”和“之后”。在第一种情况下,寻找使环境走下坡路的单一因素注定是难以捉摸的,相应的尝试往往受到历史复杂性的阻碍。在第二种情况下,转折点在结构上是一个“不回头的点”,一个使历史进程只向一个方向流动的世俗分水岭。这本书的编辑想要更灵活的概念,以便更现实的结果。因此,他把定义的任务放在受邀作者的肩上,请他们回答两个问题:(1)在你们各自的学术领域中,你们认为环境史的关键转折点在哪里?你选择的原因是什么?想象一下,亲爱的读者,这些问题会被放在你身上。我们当然可以肯定,你、我和其他人之间的结果会有很大的不同,在这种基础上,任何一本书的结构都会是多种多样的。开始一个没有严格定义的假设的集体图书项目意味着冒着很大的风险。它可能会带来新的和意想不到的见解,或者产生有争议的和不一致的输出。这个项目是如何发展的,结果如何?首先,这本书混合了宏伟的设计、部门性的方法和奇怪的例子。第一作者约翰·r·麦克尼尔(John R. McNeill)进入了全球范围的历史领域,即人类在生物圈居住的悠久历史。黛博拉·菲茨杰拉德接着研究了农业,并指出真正的转折点集中在三个广泛的历史时期:第一次革命从16世纪中期到19世纪中期,第二次革命从19世纪中期到第二次世界大战,第三次革命从第二次世界大战到现在。关于林业,Bernd St. Grewe确定了变化和连续性的主要方面:林业的政治方面,包括统治者和后来的国家日益增加的影响力和权力,他们建立了一个严格的森林管理机构;经济方面,从林地的多功能利用到国有企业利用,从普通用途到商品商品化;社会层面,以人口增长、社会排斥、移民和“专家统治”的建立为特征;林业的生态维度,以人类与自然的互动为标志。托马斯·勒坎接着谈到了老鼠、鲨鱼和民族国家:虽然智人,就像老鼠和鲨鱼一样,在很长一段时间里都是适应和适应现有环境的大师,但现代欧洲、北美和后来发展中的民族国家形成了他们特定的经济生产模式和文化价值观,努力使自然和社会都变得清晰、合理和开放。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Turning Points of Environmental History
THE TURNING POINTS OF ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY by Frank Uekoetter (ed.), Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press 2010, xi + 206 pages, ISBN 978-0-8229-6118-5 Environmental history has grown beyond its childhood days, the editor says. But the field is learning that adolescence has its problems as well. For instance, where to start when looking for turning points of environmental history? What are those turning points? How to structure them, materially, intellectually, politically? Is it that case studies or key trends should define the field? For the first generation of historians, the turning points of environmental history essentially were shifts from an ecologically benign life to a destructive, or environmentally unsustainable one. The problems with such an approach, the editor believes, were twofold: (1) there was the issue of monocausalism, and (2) a distinction had to be made between 'before' and 'after'. In the first case, the search for a single factor that put the environment on a downward slope was bound to prove elusive, and corresponding attempts often were defied by the complexity of history. In the second case, the turning point was structurally a 'point of no return', a secular watershed that made the course of history flowing in only one direction. The editor of this book wanted to be more flexible with the concept in order to be more realistic with the results. And so he put the task of definition on the shoulders of the invited authors by asking them to respond to two questions: (1) Where do you see the key turning points of environmental history in your respective field of scholarship? (2) What are the reasons of your choice? Just imagine, these questions would have been put on you, dear reader. We certainly could be sure that the outcome would differ greatly between you, me, and others, and that the structure of any book on such basis would be diverse. Starting a collective book project with no strictly defined hypothesis means running a great risk. It may lead to new and unexpected insight, or to controversial and inconsistent output. How did this project develop, and how do the results look like? First of all, the book is a mix of grand designs, sectoral approaches and strange examples. The first author, John R. McNeill rushes to the realm of global-scale history, the long history of human habitation of the biosphere. Deborah Fitzgerald then looks at agriculture and suggests that the real turning points collect around three extensive historical periods: the first revolution from mid-sixteenth to mid-nineteenth century, the second from mid-nineteenth century until World War II, and the third from World War II to the present. Regarding forestry, Bernd St. Grewe identifies major dimensions of change and continuity: the political dimension of forestry, including an increasing influence and power of the rulers and later the state, who established a severe forest administration; the economic dimension, leading from multifunctional use of the woodlands to state-owned enterprises, from common use to commercialized goods; the social dimension, marked by population growth, social exclusion, migration, and the establishment of an 'expertocracy'; and the ecological dimension of forestry, marked by the interaction between humans and the rest of nature. Thomas Lekan then addresses rats, sharks, and the nation state: while homo sapiens, much like the rat and the shark, over long periods used to be master of resilience and of adaptation to existing circumstances, the modern European, North American, and later developing nation states formed their specific economic modes of production and cultural values in an effort to render both nature and society legible, rationalized, and open to manipulation. …
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