伊朗的工人阶级和伊斯兰国

H. Moghissi, Saeed Rahnema
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引用次数: 14

摘要

在20世纪伊朗的所有重大政治发展中,从1906-11年的宪法革命和20世纪50年代初的石油工业国有化,到60年代初的政治动荡和1979年的革命,工人都是主要参与者,并表现出高度的斗志。然而,不同信仰的政府,从巴列维的现代化独裁君主制到自由民族主义者,再到伊斯兰主义者的前现代神权政治,都忽视了工人的合法要求,镇压了他们的异议。造成这次失败的因素有很多,尤其是工人阶级在质量和数量上的弱点——这是伊朗资本主义发展和工业化的特殊性质的结果。由于自身内部的弱点,工人运动在组织上和思想上一直依赖于左翼社会民主主义和共产主义运动。事实上,在工人阶级本身出现之前,社会主义和共产主义关于工人组织工会和解放自己的权利的思想就已经出现了。然而,对外部领导的依赖使伊朗工人容易受到理论和政治摇摆以及该国左翼知识分子内部冲突的影响。此外,连续的独裁政权对左派的持续镇压也不可避免地影响了工人阶级运动的战斗性和组织效率。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Working Class and the Islamic State in Iran
In all the major political developments in twentieth-century Iran, from the constitutional revolution of 1906-11 and the nationalization of the oil industry in early 1950s to the political upheavals of early 1960s and the 1979 revolution, workers were major participants and demonstrated a high level of militancy. However, governments of diverse persuasions, from the Pahlavis' modernizing dictatorial monarchy to the liberal nationalists, and the Islamists' pre-modern theocracy, have ignored workers' legitimate demands and suppressed their dissent. Many factors account for this failure, not least of them being the qualitative and quantitative weaknesses of the working class-a result of the specific nature of capitalist development and industrialization in Iran. Because of its own internal weaknesses, the workers' movement has depended historically on left social democratic and communist movements both organizationally and intellectually. In fact, socialist and communist ideas about the workers' right to form unions and emancipate themselves preceded the emergence of the working class itself. Yet dependence on external leadership made Iranian workers susceptible to the theoretical and political wavering and internal conflicts of the country's left intelligentsia. As well, the continuous suppression of the left by successive dictatorial regimes inevitably also affected the militancy and organizational efficacy of the working-class movement.
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