民主政体中固有的威权主义

R. Pildes
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引用次数: 3

摘要

本文认为,威权主义是民主政体固有的结构性倾向。这篇文章是作为一本书的一个章节写的,这本书探讨了在东欧和中欧某些新的宪政民主国家威权主义倾向的复兴。本文将威权主义的一种结构性倾向定位于当前掌握政治权力的人操纵民主结构的规则,以达到压制政治竞争的目的和效果。美国等成熟民主国家的历史经验充分说明了这一趋势。宪政的一项核心任务应该是抵制这种不可避免的压力,即关闭政治竞争,这使得政治权力可以在没有问责制的情况下行使。但是,在许多法院,现代宪政的任务被过于狭隘地定义为保护个人权利和平等,而忽视了对民主政治冲突结构的保护。这篇文章记录了阻碍法院充分认识民主政权的威权主义倾向的分析模式;这些模式包括“浪漫个人主义的诱惑”,通过这种诱惑,法院错误地将民主视为原子行动者的个人参与问题。该条提出了另一种框架,使法院能够更好地查明对民主进程完整性的结构性威胁。文章最后对捷克和德国的宪法法院进行了研究,与美国最高法院相比,捷克和德国的宪法法院对民主和宪法的关系采取了更积极的立场,以便更好地抵制所有民主国家对政治权力进行更专制控制的不可避免的趋势。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Inherent Authoritarianism in Democratic Regimes
This article argues that authoritarianism is an inherent structural tendency of democratic regimes. The article is written as a chapter for a book, Out of and Into Authoritarian Law, that explores the revival of authoritarianism tendencies in certain new constitutional democracies of Eastern and Central Europe. The article locates one structural tendency toward authoritarianism in the techniques by which those currently holding political power manipulate regulation of democratic structures with the aim and effect of suppressing political competition. This tendency is amply illustrated in the historical experience of mature democracies, such as that of the United States. A central task of constitutionalism ought to be to resist this inevitable pressure toward the shutting down of political competition, which enables political power to be wielded without accountability. But the task of constitutionalism in modern times has been too narrowly defined, in many courts, as the protection of individual rights and equality, at the expense of a focus on protecting the structures of democratic political conflict. The article documents the modes of analyses that have stood in the way of courts adequately recognizing the authoritarian tendencies of democratic regimes; these modes include "the allure of romantic individualism" through which courts mistakenly view democracy as a matter of individual participation of atomistic actors. The article suggests an alternative framework which would better enable courts to identify structural threats to the integrity of democratic processes. The article concludes with studies of the Czech and German Constitutional Courts, which by contrast to the United States Supreme Court have taken a more aggressive stance towards the relationship of democracy and constitutional law in order to better resist the inevitable tendencies in all democracies towards more authoritarian control of political power.
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