结论

Beth van Schaack
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引用次数: 0

摘要

这本书的结论提供了一些关于叙利亚正义前景的总体观察,并在一片黯淡的前景中突出了一些亮点。谨慎乐观的理由包括这样一个事实,即我们现在对国际罪行有一个强有力和全面的国际法律惩罚,即使我们缺乏足够的机构来实施它。尽管联合国安理会的一再失败削弱了我们对二战后集体安全体系的信心,但其他多边、地区和国内机构不得不在一定程度上填补这一缺口。因此,这种多边瘫痪刺激了对新的管辖权理论的创造性思考,产生了多种多样的机构建议,并在一段时期的衰落之后重新激活了普遍管辖权原则。国际罪行文件的日益成熟,确保了今后的过渡时期司法工作将有必要的证据,追究那些对虐待行为负有最大责任的人的责任。虽然许多问责制建议尚未取得成果,但现在很明显,它们没有遇到法律障碍;所需要的只是使它们取得成果的政治意愿和资源。所有这些发展都是由代表多边机构、主权国家和全球公民社会的正义企业家组成的知识共同体的成果,他们拒绝接受“不”的答案。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Conclusion
The book’s conclusion offers a number of overarching observations about the prospects of justice for Syria and highlights a few bright spots on an otherwise rather bleak landscape. These grounds for cautious optimism include the fact that we now have a robust and comprehensive international jus puniendi of international crimes, even if we lack sufficient institutions in which to apply it. Although the repeat failures of the U.N. Security Council have eroded our faith in the post–World War II system of collective security, other multilateral, regional, and domestic institutions have—to a certain extent—stepped in to fill the breach. This multilateral paralysis has thus spurred creative thinking about new jurisdictional theories, generated multiple and varied institutional proposals, and re-enlivened the principle of universal jurisdiction after a period of decline. The enhanced sophistication of international crimes documentation ensures that future transitional justice efforts will have the evidence needed to hold those most responsible for abuses to account. While the many accountability proposals have yet to bear fruit, it is now clear that they suffer from no legal impediments; all that is needed is the political will and resources to bring them to fruition. All of these developments are the work of an epistemic community of justice entrepreneurs—representing multilateral institutions, sovereign nations, and global civil society—who refuse to take “no” for an answer.
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