另一个祖鲁人:祖鲁族在南非殖民地的传播

A. Cobley
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引用次数: 1

摘要

性别和发展(以及神学)的观点,最近被哈德菲尔德(2010)发现,他展示了BC的想法是如何在地面上发挥作用的,在妇女的皮革集体和农村诊所;意识形态和物质世界的相互作用,这是《Magaziner》没有提到的。然而,他确实覆盖了广泛的领域,而且做得很好,尽管考虑到其他跨越宗教和政治领域的人物,比如西里尔·拉马福萨(Cyril Ramaphosa),可能会形成一个有趣的对比。在思想史方面,我希望更多地关注比科的《黑人评论》,它是一份阐述公元前思想的刊物,也希望更多地关注在白话专栏或布道中所说的话。然而,丰富的经验数据、大胆的理论以及将性别、种族和意识形态融入叙事的能力弥补了这一点。有一些小错误。叛国罪审判比1974年的审判要长得多,1974年的审判号称是“到那时为止”种族隔离法庭闹剧中“最长的一次”。《大学教育法(19)扩大法》应改为“扩大法”。有不精确的营销声明;“20世纪70年代对南非史学来说几乎是失去的十年”;这本书是“抵抗运动的思想史”(封面)。在20世纪70年代,已经出现了相当多的知识分子运动(如集体主义、理性主义、社会主义、千禧年主义和工会主义,其中许多与地下或公民社会的宗教运动相互作用),这里没有讨论。由此产生了各种各样的问题。是基督的意识形态和自尊导致了1976年的起义,还是环境的恶化和镇压的影响更大?如果联合民主阵线(UDF)和它的许多教会分支,能够用Buti Tlhagale的话说,轻松地“粉碎”BCM并“将其移到边缘”(引用于Moore[1994]),这对BCM的长期意义意味着什么?它的作用仅仅是点燃这个国家,还是它对平等、博爱、爱和希望原则的复兴是在政治、经济和道德的阴郁气氛中继续闪耀的灯塔?
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The other Zulus: the spread of Zulu ethnicity in colonial South Africa
gendered and developmental (as well as theological) perspective, have recently been uncovered by Hadfield (2010), who shows how BC ideas played out on the ground, in women’s leatherwork collectives and rural clinics; an interplay of ideological and material worlds not treated by Magaziner. He does, however, cover wide territory and does it well, though consideration of other figures spanning religious and political realms, such as Cyril Ramaphosa, would make for an interesting counterpoint. In an intellectual history, I wished for more attention to Biko’s Black Review, the organ that articulated BC ideas, and to what was said in vernacular columns or sermons. Yet this is compensated by the richness of empirical data, boldness of theorising, and ability to incorporate gender, race and ideology into the narrative. There are a few minor errors. The Treason Trial was much longer than the 1974 trial claimed to be “the longest, to that date” (1) of apartheid’s courtroom farces. The Expansion of University Education Act (19) should read “Extension”. There are imprecise marketing claims; “the 1970s are a decade virtually lost to South African historiography”; the book is “an intellectual history of the resistance movements” (cover). A considerable corpus already plumbs the 1970s, and there were other intellectual movements in rural and urban areas (such as collectivism, rationalism, socialism, millenarianism, and unionism, many of which interacted with religious movements in the underground or civic society) which are not addressed here. Various questions arise. Were ideologies of Christ and self-esteem primary in generating the 1976 revolt, or were deteriorating conditions and repression more influential? If the United Democratic Front (UDF), with its many church affiliates, was able in the words of Buti Tlhagale to easily “crush” the BCM and “move it to the margins” (cited in Moore [1994]), what does this signify for BCM’s long-term significance? Was its role merely to set the country ablaze, or was its resuscitation of the principles of equality, fraternity, love and hope a beacon that continues to shine in the political, economic and ethical atmosphere of gloom?
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