自由主义理论,自由主义背景和G20

A. Alexandroff
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摘要

第二次世界大战后自由主义国际秩序(LIO)的出现及其在冷战结束后的重大重构,是由不断崛起的自由主义经济和政治力量推动的。冷战期间这些强大的自由主义思潮在东西方地缘政治分歧消失后积聚了更大的势头只有随着“其他国家的崛起”,特别是“中国的崛起”,更具侵略性的俄罗斯的复苏,以及最引人注目的唐纳德·特朗普在美国总统选举中获胜的震惊,以及他的“美国优先”行动,我们才开始怀疑LIO不再有保障。因此,这是一个自二战结束以来推动LIO前进的自由力量的故事。我承认在自由秩序中是有区别的。对我来说,自由秩序只由自由民主国家组成。这就是著名的LIO编年史家之一约翰·伊肯伯里(2018)所说的自由秩序的“小而厚”的愿景。相比之下,LIO包括了各种各样的自由民主国家,但也包括了不自由的国家,在某些情况下甚至是专制的国家。然而,该体系是建立在全球市场力量、相对开放的市场和国际组织以及越来越多的次国家和非国家行为体(NSAs)的基础上的。Ikenberry(2018)将这种国际关系架构称为自由国际主义的“大而薄”版本。这两种体系都存在过,但在后冷战时代,一种单薄版的自由国际主义,即这里所说的LIO,占据了主导地位。正如我们将看到的,冷战结束后国际货币基金组织的扩张不仅仅是国家的叙述。各种各样的行为者已经开始在推进国际海事组织的集体努力中发挥作用。特别是政府间机构,一直是组织结构的关键部分。这些机构,特别是联合国(UN),布雷顿森林机构,联盟体系
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Liberal theory, liberal context and the G20
The emergence of the liberal international order (LIO) after World War II, and its significant reconfiguration after the end of the Cold War, has been driven by rising liberal economic and political forces. These strong liberal currents during the Cold War gathered even greater momentum after the geopolitical divisions between East and West melted away.1 Only with the ‘Rise of the Rest’, and in particular the ‘Rise of China’, the resurgence of a more aggressive Russia, and most dramatically the shock of a presidential election victory in the United States (US) by Donald Trump, and his ‘America First’ actions, have we come to suspect that the LIO is no longer assured. This, then, is a story of the liberal forces that have carried the LIO forward since the end of World War II. I recognize that there are distinctions to be made in the Liberal Order. For me, the Liberal Order is made up of liberal democratic countries only. It is what John Ikenberry (2018), one of the best-known chroniclers of the LIO has referred to as the ‘small and thick’ vision of Liberal Order. In contrast, the LIO includes a wide variety of states that are liberal democratic, but also includes states that are illiberal and indeed in some instances authoritarian as well. Nevertheless, the system is built on global market forces, relatively open markets and International Organizations (IOs) and increasingly sub-state and non-state actors (NSAs). Ikenberry (2018) refers to this architecture of international relations as a ‘large and thin’ version of liberal internationalism. Both systems have existed but in the post-Cold War era a thin version of liberal internationalism, what is referred to here as the LIO, has emerged dominant. The expansion of the LIO after the end of the Cold War, as we will see, is not just a narrative of states. A significant variety of actors have come to have a part in advancing the collective efforts of the LIO. Intergovernmental institutions, in particular, have been a critical part of the architecture of the LIO. These institutions, notably the United Nations (UN), the Bretton Woods institutions, the alliance systems in
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