上海变调中低声调的语音地位

Yasunori Takahashi
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在上海变调中,除T5(阳如)变调外,降音发生在音系词(或变调域)的第二或第三音节。先前的分析认为,这是通过插入默认的低音调来调用的,以满足自分段理论的格式良好性条件。然而,在目前的自分音理论框架下,这一条件不再一定得到满足,并提出了另一种解释,即采用边界低音调。为了评估默认和边界解释的适当性,我们更详细地比较了二音节和四音节单词之间的音高轮廓。结果表明,在T1 ~ T4变调中,双音节单词在第一音节和第二音节的音高轮廓比三音节和四音节单词的音高轮廓低,并且在四音节中,第三音节的音高值一直是最小的。这些结果表明,在上海变调中,在音韵字的右边缘分配了一个边界低音,并进一步与四音节中的第三个音节联系起来。这种边界解释进一步合理地解释了中上海与新上海落差的差异。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The phonological status of Low tones in Shanghai tone sandhi
In Shanghai tone sandhi, with the exception of T5 (yangru) sandhi, a pitch-fall occurs at the second or third syllable of a phonological word (or a sandhi domain). Previous analyses argue that this is invoked by the insertion of a default Low tone to satisfy the Well-formedness Condition of the autosegmental theory. However, in the framework of the present autosegmental theory, that condition is no longer necessarily satisfied, and an alternative interpretation, adopting a boundary Low tone, has been suggested. To evaluate the appropriateness of the default and boundary interpretations, we compared pitch contours among di- to tetrasyllabic words in greater detail. The results show that, in T1 to T4 sandhi, disyllabic words tend to have lower pitch contours than tri- and tetrasyllabic words at the first and second syllables, and that, in tetrasyllables, minimum pitch values were constantly attested at the third syllable. These results indicate that in Shanghai tone sandhi, a boundary Low tone is assigned at the right edge of a phonological word, and it is further associated with the third syllable in tetrasyllables. This boundary interpretation further gives an appropriate explanation of the difference of the pitch-fall between Middle and New Shanghai.
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