城市作为多样性

Jarre Parkatti
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引用次数: 0

摘要

城市性在城市设计和社会科学中都是一个经常被模糊使用的概念。我的目的是通过分析城市的传统特征和一些文学作品,如简·雅各布斯的经典作品,从概念和程序上为实现更丰富的城市做出贡献。因此,我的概念澄清和概念发展背后的假设是,目前观念的混乱不仅阻碍了公众和学术对规划目标的讨论,而且对其结果产生了不利影响,即使在赫尔辛基这样拥有强大规划组织的城市也是如此。在阐述这个概念时,我将区分建筑和社会的城市化。人们可以识别出前者的一个基本变体,集中于有效的土地利用和(粗略的)功能协同作用。一个更复杂的概念,支持社会良好的工作环境,需要在设计方面考虑,包括效率和协同等概念,以及多样性的关键概念,这对社会意义上的城市至关重要。在将这一概念具体化的过程中,复杂性仍然出现:不同类型的多样性可能会发生冲突,可能存在与多样性相关的竞争价值,多样性可能会退化为混乱或无意义的不和谐。规模可能影响多样性和同质性的相对利益。为了澄清一些困惑,我将在传统欧洲城市的原型特征上对建筑都市化建筑进行最小但严格的解释,并将其与雅各布斯的讨论进行比较。这种典型城市性的关键元素是由周边街区划定的公共街道空间,交流底层和小型建筑单元。虽然描述的理想典型角色在挑选被认为是必要的特征时需要一些规范性,但它应该足够直观,不能轻易被忽视。尽管如此,如果寻求真正的文雅,这种解释一旦被接受,就会承担更明确的规范角色,将举证的责任转移给任何提出偏离它的解决方案的人。雅各布斯的观点即使没有被反驳,也是如此。因此,如果一个人承认她的处方是科学合理的,而这些知识的本质是专业约束的,那么与之相矛盾的建筑解决方案是不可接受的,即使是由明显的多样性产生的艺术自由。尊重分析、理论和经验论证的指导作用很重要,不要让有形利益和严格认可的技术、经济和法律要求单独制约城市设计和规划。然而,如果社会科学家也忽视或否认这些知识的价值,那么重要的问题将无法探索。其中包括建筑都市化作为社会都市化的先决条件和阻碍其实现的机制。关于如何产生建筑多样性和城市性的程序问题,雅各布斯有时接近于拒绝规划,相信自发的秩序会从互动和自由企业中出现。然而,另一种选择是,详细的转向可能会产生预期的效果。要想成功地利用现有的政治或组织手段来建设一个真正的城市和社会运作良好的城市,一个前提是对所追求的目标有一个清晰的理解。本文试图促成这样一种理解。然而,任务仍然是更明确地将建筑与社会城市化联系起来。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Urbanity as Diversity
Urbanity is a frequently but often vaguely used notion in both urban design and social science. My intention is to contribute conceptually and programmatically to attaining a richer urbanity by analysing its traditional character and some literature treating it, such as Jane Jacobs’s classical work. The assumption behind my conceptual clarification and conceptual development is thus that the current confusion of ideas not only hampers informed public and academic discussion on planning objectives but also adversely affects its results, even in cities with a strong planning organisation, such as Helsinki. In elucidating the concept, I shall distinguish between architectural and social urbanity. One may identify a rudimentary variant of the former centring on efficient land-use and (rough) functional synergy. A more sophisticated conception, supporting a socially well-working environment, requires an account in design terms including notions such as efficiency and synergy but also the key concept of diversity, vital for urbanity in a social sense. Complications still appear when concretising the notion: different types of diversity may conflict, there may be competing diversity-related values, and diversity may degenerate into chaos or meaningless discord. Scale may affect the relative benefits of diversity and homogeneity. To clear up some of the puzzles, I shall present a minimal but strict interpretation of architectural urbanity building on prototypical traits of the traditional European city and compare the account especially with Jacobs’s discussion. Key elements of such prototypical urbanity are the public street space delimited by perimeter blocks, communicating ground floors and small building units. While the ideal-typical character of the description entails some normativity of sorts in picking up features considered essential, it should be intuitive enough not to be easily dismissed. Nonetheless, if genuine urbanity is sought for, the account, once accepted, takes on a more clearly normative role, shifting the burden of proof to anyone suggesting solutions deviating from it. This also holds for Jacobs’s ideas, if not refuted. Thus, if one acknowledges her prescriptions as scientifically rational and the nature of such knowledge as professionally binding, architectural solutions contradicting it are unacceptable, even when resulting from apparently diversity-generating artistic freedom. Respecting the guiding function of analytical, theoretical and empirical arguments is important not to let tangible interests and strictly sanctioned technical, economic and juridical requirements alone condition urban design and planning. However, if social scientists, too, disregard or deny the value of such knowledge, important questions will remain unexplored. Among them are architectural urbanity as a precondition for social urbanity and mechanisms impeding its realisation. Concerning the procedural issue of how to generate architectural diversity and urbanity, Jacobs sometimes comes close to rejecting planning, trusting spontaneous order to emerge from interaction and free enterprise. Alternatively, however, detailed steering might have the desired effect. A presupposition for successfully using available political or organisational means for producing a truly urban and socially well-working city, is a clear comprehension of the ends pursued. The treatment tries to contribute to such an understanding. However, the task remains of more unambiguously connecting architectural to social urbanity.
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