Ethnic Identity, Self-Esteem & Intra Group Conflicts Amongst Latinos

Unlike Salvadorans, Mexican/Mexican Americans have long established communities revolved around their culture. They have advanced in social class, education and political representation. On the other hand, Salvadorans have only just recently begun migrating and settling in predominantly Mexican/Mexican American communities. Competition over resources and the preservation of Mexican/Mexican American culture has caused continuing conflicts among Salvadorans and Mexicans/Mexican Americans. Additionally, inter-ethnic and in-group conflicts are also affected by generational differences (1, 2, 3 generation, etc.). Due to acculturation, Latinos/as struggle to retain their cultural heritage and parents often lose the ability to influence their children’s ethnic identity (customs, language, social norms). My research aims to contribute to the development and maintenance of ethnic identity and understanding of interethnic conflicts they face amongst Mexicans in California. I will briefly explore the migration patterns of Salvadorans and Mexican/Mexican Americans from past research focusing on ethnic identity development and how it may be connected to generational differences, experiences based on acculturation and discrimination, and family ethnic socialization, how ethnic identity is associated with positive self-esteem, and how marginalization can create group conflict among Latinos/as; specifically with Salvadorans and Mexican/Mexican Americans. The purpose of this research is to educate and bring to light the different experiences of Latinos/as and the struggles to retain ethnic identity and positive self-esteem. Although most research focuses on the Mexican experience, my research will attempt to incorporate the Salvadoran experience— one that reflects Salvadorans’ being a double minority: within wider American society and within their Latino/a ethnic group. In doing so, I wish to bring attention to this inter-ethnic conflict that has not been explored enough. 2 McNair Research Journal SJSU, Vol. 14 [2018], Art. 4 http://scholarworks.sjsu.edu/mcnair/vol14/iss1/4 25 Historical Background In order to better understand the Salvadoran/Mexican conflict, learning about the Latino/a diaspora is important. It is also worth noting that the Salvadoran/Mexican conflict is not the only one that occurs amongst Latinos/as, but it is the one I will focus on. Latinos/as from different nationalities have migrated to the U.S for various reasons throughout history. The three largest groups in the U.S are Mexican Americans (or Chicanos), Puerto Ricans and Cubans (Totti 1987). Geographically these groups migrated to different parts of the U.S.; according to Zong and Betalova (2014), Mexican Americans mostly settled in California, Texas and Illinois. Mexican migration to the U.S was caused by the demand for jobs and political instability in their countries. The first wave of migration occurred prior to WWII, and most of the migrants at the time were agricultural workers who were recruited by private labor contractors. The second wave consisted of agricultural guest workers due to the Bracero Program between 1924 and 1964. The third wave began after the end of the Bracero Program in 1965, mostly consisting of male seasonal farm workers who would travel back and forth (Zong and Betalova 2014). During this time period (circa 1965), immigration reform limited the amount of people coming from Mexico and Latin America. Mexican/Mexican Americans have been the largest group since 1980; since 2013, they have a population of 11.6 million, making up 28 percent of the 41.3 million foreign born (Zong and Betalova 2014). Based on their long history in the U.S, Mexicans comprise the largest group within Latinos/as. Not only have Mexican Americans, Cubans, Puerto Ricans and Dominicans established communities but generationally they have advanced in social class, level of educational attainment and political representation. According to Sarah Gammage (2007), a research associate with the Economic Policy Institute, Salvadorans began migrating during the 1950’s and 1960’s, but at this time they were only migrating in small numbers. It was not until the Civil War (beginning in 1979 through 1992) that Salvadoran migration to the United States grew in the thousands (Gammage 2007). At its peak (1982), it was estimated that 129,000 Salvadorans had fled their country—most of them to the U.S—seeking asylum. The Immigration Act of 1990 provided Salvadorans temporary 3 Arevalo: Ethnic Identity, Self-Esteem & Intra Group Conflicts Amongst Lati Published by SJSU ScholarWorks, 2018 26 protected status (TPS), but it did not grant them permanent residency (Gammage 2007). Their TPS ended in 1992, but Salvadorans were able to stay in the U.S under the deferred-enforced-departure (DED), allowing them temporary residency and the ability to work in the U.S. The DED status came to an end in 1996 but by then Salvadorans were allowed to apply for political asylum (Gammage 2007). Salvadorans have settled in different places within the United States but have the highest population numbers in Texas, New York and California. Within California, Los Angeles and San Francisco are important cities where Salvadorans reside, but Los Angeles has the highest population of Salvadorans than any metropolitan area (Migration Policy Institute). It is difficult to talk about ethnic identity without drawing attention to the fact that most research is through the lens of the Mexican/Mexican American experience. However, this lens is necessary in order to explore the issues that many Salvadorans face. My research explores psychological and sociological factors on ethnic identity development and how that can lead to positive self-esteem, and intragroup conflicts that occur generationally and amongst Mexicans and Salvadorans. The purpose of this research is to educate others of the similar struggles that Salvadorans and Mexicans face in the U.S. in the hope of decreasing tension amongst Latinos/as which can hinder group solidarity. Ethnic Identity Development Generational differences The ethnic identity development of Latinos/as is complex due to generational differences (Tover and Feliciano 2009), experiences with acculturation/discrimination (Baldwin-White, Umaña-Taylor, Marsiglia 2017), and family ethnic socialization (Umaña-Taylor, Zeiders, Updegraff 2013). Tover and Feliciano (2009) examined key differences in ethnic self-identification between 1.5 generation (born in Mexico who migrated as children) and second generation (those born in the United States of two Mexican parents) Latinos/as. How Latinos/as self-identify is an important indication of how they view themselves within a system of ethnic stratification utilized to differentiate ethnic groups in the United States (Tover and Feliciano 2009). Rumbaut (1994) describes four ways 4 McNair Research Journal SJSU, Vol. 14 [2018], Art. 4 http://scholarworks.sjsu.edu/mcnair/vol14/iss1/4 27 Latinos/as utilize ethnic labels: national origin (i.e. Mexican), hyphenated identity (i.e. Mexican-American), American identity (i.e. “plain” American identity), and pan-ethnic or racial identity (i.e. Latino/a, Hispanic). Among the second generation, they are far more likely than the 1.5 generation to self-identify as Mexican-American. The opposite occurs with the 1.5 generation as they are more likely to self-identify as Mexican. Tover and Feliciano (2009) attributes differences in generational status to acculturation level and feelings of belonging to the United States vs Mexico. Individuals who were born in Mexico are more likely than the second generation to lack a sense of belonging, and therefore are more likely to identify with the statement “ni de aqui, ni de alla” (“neither from here, nor from there”) (Tover and Feliciano 2009). The generational differences in ethnic self-identification have been attributed to experiences of being teased for being “too Mexican” (1.5 generation) vs. “not Mexican enough” (second generation). Tover and Feliciano (2009) describe the unique situation the 1.5 generation encounter when they visit their country of origin—being told that they are too American, whereas in the United States they are teased for being “too Mexican.” The experiences of being teased shape ethnic self-identifications, thus creating a system where generational differences affect how individuals utilize ethnic self-labels. Acculturation/Discrimination Umaña-Taylor et al. (2014) describe that during adolescence, Latinos/as are not only tasked with identity formation but also encounter an additional task of developing an ethnic-racial identity (ERI). BaldwinWhite et al. (2017) note that ERI is a “multidimensional construct that reflects the normative developmental task of exploring one’s ethnic-racial background and gaining a sense of clarity regarding the meaning of this aspect of one’s identity” (p.43). The importance of ERI plays a role in adolescent’s psychosocial adjustment and in the development and maintenance of self-esteem (Umaña-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen and Guimond 2009). One way that ERI is described to be affected is by acculturation (Baldwin-White et al., 2017). The term acculturation from (Berry 2003, as cited in Baldwin-White et al. 2017), refers to “the shifting of values, [and] belief systems that occurs from continuous contact 5 Arevalo: Ethnic Identity, Self-Esteem & Intra Group Conflicts Amongst Lati Published by SJSU ScholarWorks, 2018 28 between two cultures and is thought to influence adolescent ERI development” (p. 43). Balwin-White et al. (2017) examined the roles played by acculturation and discrimination in ERI development of Latinos/as. The study revealed that there was a correlation between acculturation and ethnic identity searching—the degree to which one explores their own group membership—where levels of acculturation increased, and ethnicracial identity (ERI) searching decreased for adolescents. The study also determin