贫困的新面貌:自20世纪90年代以来,低收入和中低收入国家(不包括中国)的贫困构成发生了怎样的变化?

Andy Sumner
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引用次数: 12

摘要

教育、健康和营养贫困率在多大程度上因家庭的空间和社会特征而不同?从家庭的空间和社会特征来看,自20世纪90年代以来,教育、健康和营养贫困的构成发生了怎样的变化?本文基于20世纪90年代和21世纪初进行调查的国家的人口与健康调查(DHS),通过地理、教育、就业和户主的种族特征,对低收入国家(lic)和中低收入国家(LMICs)的教育、健康和营养贫困进行了分析。应该在一开始就指出,这种评估低收入和中低收入国家不断变化的贫困格局的综合尝试最好被视为对不断变化的贫困格局的指示性“概述”。数据表明,从家庭的空间和社会特征来看,自1990年代以来,教育、卫生和营养贫困的构成(按本文所选择的指标衡量)发生了一些变化。这可以归纳为关于贫穷的五种“程式化事实”,如下:1 .低收入国家和低收入中等收入国家(加起来)的教育、保健和营养贫穷,有四分之三以上发生在农村地区。然而,城市地区在教育、保健和营养方面的贫穷所占比例越来越大。2低收入国家和中低收入国家(加起来)的教育、保健和营养贫困有一半集中在户主"没有受过教育"的家庭。然而,自20世纪90年代以来,这一比例有所下降。3低收入国家和中低收入国家(合起来)的教育、卫生和营养贫困有三分之一集中在最贫穷的五分之一(按人口与社会调查财富指数计算)。这一比例还在增加。四。低收入国家和中低收入国家(合起来)的教育、保健和营养贫穷有三分之一集中在户主"不工作"的家庭中,另有三分之一集中在户主从事农业的家庭中。五。低收入国家和中低收入国家(加起来)的教育、保健和营养贫穷中有三分之二发生在户主为"少数民族"(指不是最大的族裔群体的族裔群体)的家庭中。然而,由于数据的限制,这一发现应该被视为试探性的。此外,教育、保健和营养贫穷的构成在低收入国家和低收入中等收入国家之间差别很大。从所使用的指标来看,中低收入国家的贫困人口比低收入国家更多地居住在城市,受教育程度也更高。的确,有迹象表明,贫穷状况有明显的差别。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The New Face of Poverty: How Has the Composition of Poverty in Low Income and Lower Middle-Income Countries (excluding China) Changed Since the 1990s?

To what extent do education, health and nutrition poverty rates differ by the spatial and social characteristics of households? And how has the composition of education, health and nutrition poverty changed since the 1990s in terms of the spatial and social characteristics of households? This paper provides an analysis of education, health and nutrition poverty in low-income countries (LICs) and lower middle-income countries (LMICs) by geography, education, employment and ethnicity characteristics of the household head based on the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) from countries with surveys in both the 1990s and 2000s. It should be noted at the outset that such an aggregated attempt to assess the changing pattern of poverty across low and lower middle-income countries would be best viewed as an indicative ‘sketch’ of changing patterns of poverty.

The data suggests that the composition of education, health and nutrition poverty –by the indicators chosen in this paper– has changed somewhat since the 1990s in terms of the spatial and social characteristics of households. This can be presented as a set of five ‘stylised facts’ on poverty as follows:

  • I. 

    More than three-quarters of education, health and nutrition poverty in LICs and LMICs (combined) is to be found in rural areas. However, an increasing proportion of education, health and nutrition poverty is in urban areas.

  • II. 

    Half of the education, health and nutrition poverty in LICs and LMICs (combined) is concentrated in those households where the head has ‘no education’. However, this share has fallen since the 1990s.

  • III. 

    A third of the education, health and nutrition poverty in LICs and LMICs (combined) is focused in the poorest wealth quintile (by DHS Wealth Index). And this share is increasing.

  • IV. 

    A third of the education, health and nutrition poverty in LICs and LMICs (combined) is concentrated among those in households where the head is ‘not in work’ and a further third where the household head is working in agriculture.

  • V. 

    Two-thirds of the education, health and nutrition poverty in LICs and LMICs (combined) is to be found among those households where the head is the member of an ‘ethnic minority group’ (meaning an ethnic group which is not the largest ethnic group). However, this finding should be viewed as tentative due to data constraints.

Further, the composition of education, health and nutrition poverty differs between LICs and LMICs quite notably. The poor in LMICs – by the indicators used – are more urban and more educated than in LICs. Indeed, there are indications of marked differences in poverty profiles.

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