暴力、安全和民主:反常的界面及其对全球南方国家和公民的影响

Jenny Pearce, Rosemary McGee, Joanna Wheeler
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引用次数: 27

摘要

暴力如何影响全球南方国家公民的日常生活?在IDS协调的公民DRC的暴力、参与和公民小组的支持下,我们研究了这个主题,得到了一些答案,但也有更多的问题,本文开始探索。为什么民主化进程未能实现全球南方减少暴力的期望?暴力如何影响民主,反之亦然?为什么很多南方国家的安全实践不能建立安全的环境?当从贫穷的南方公民的角度进行经验检验时,暴力、安全和民主之间的界面——在传统的国家和民主化理论中被认为是积极或良性的——实际上往往是反常的。基于经验的反思这些问题导致我们两个命题,这篇论文然后通过使用二手文献进行探索。主旨:命题1:暴力与民主制度相互作用,侵蚀其合法性和有效性。民主未能兑现其以和解和妥协取代暴力的承诺,民主进程受到损害,公民的反应是退出公共场所,接受非国家行为体的权威,或支持强硬的回应。提案2:安全措施并没有使人们感到更安全。国家对不断上升的暴力的反应可能会加强致力于再现暴力的国家和非国家安全行为体,对最贫困社区造成不成比例的影响。我们认为,这些“反常的界面”本身就值得研究,而不是像通常情况那样,在民主研究中进行最小限度或切题的考虑。进一步的研究需要采用新的认识论、方法论和分析视角,并寻求重新思考和重新构建类别和概念,而不是在公认的国家智慧和民主化理论中工作。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Violence, Security and Democracy: Perverse Interfaces and their Implications for States and Citizens in the Global South
Summary How does violence affect the everyday lives of citizens in the global South? Researching this theme under the aegis of the Violence, Participation and Citizenship group of the Citizenship DRC coordinated by IDS, we generated some answers, but also more questions, which this paper starts to explore. Why have democratisation processes failed to fulfil expectations of violence reduction in the global South? How does violence affect democracy and vice versa? Why does security practice in much of the global South not build secure environments? When examined empirically from the perspectives of poor Southern citizens, the interfaces between violence, security and democracy – assumed in conventional state and democratisation theory to be positive or benign – are often, in fact, perverse. Empirically-based reflection on these questions leads us to two propositions, which the paper then explores through the use of secondary literature. In essence: Proposition 1: Violence interacts perversely with democratic institutions, eroding their legitimacy and effectiveness. Democracy fails to deliver its promise of replacing the violence with accommodation and compromise, and democratic process is compromised, with citizens reacting by withdrawing from public spaces, accepting the authority of non-state actors, or supporting hard-line responses. Proposition 2: Security provision is not making people feel more secure. State responses to rising violence can strengthen state and non-state security actors committed to reproducing violence, disproportionately affecting the poorest communities. These ‘perverse interfaces’, we argue, warrant research in themselves, rather than minimal or tangential consideration in research on democracy, as tends to be the case. Further research needs to adopt fresh epistemological, methodological and analytical perspectives and seek to re-think and re-frame categories and concepts, rather than working within the received wisdoms of state and democratisation theory.
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