A Review of Malcolm Torry’s Why We Need A Citizen’s Basic Income

IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS
Alexis Cooke
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Malcolm Torry’sWhy We Need A Citizen’s Basic Income is a comprehensive and pragmatic examination of how an unconditional citizen’s basic income could be implemented and would function. As conversations and interest in a basic income expand, both opponents and supporters have used same words to mean different things. A lack of common vocabulary obfuscates basic income as a concept and policy. Torry begins his book with clearly defined and explained terminology. This vocabulary helps to ground Torry’s chapters and arguments. While much of the book focuses on issues of feasibility and implementation, the first chapters outline the benefits of a basic income. One such benefit is the flexibility that a basic income would allow individuals and families to better copewith the precarity of the current economic system. Torrywrites that the current system of means-tested benefits often leaves individuals in a poverty trap because, “means-tested benefits are withdrawn as earned income rises” (p. 42). Torry also posits a basic income as a sort of Occam’s Razor, both in terms of its administration and flexibility. Means-tested benefits are difficult to administer and require extensive bureaucracy. The time and costs of this administration is not insignificant, and Torry points out that a basic income “would be radically simple to administer” (p. 79). Changes in the economy, society and employment are and will be constant, but are not wholly predictable, which begs the question of how to create a system can address ever changing social and economic needs. Torry advocates for a basic income as a tool that is “[suitable] to a wide variety of employment and market patterns” and “incentivizes economic activity and provides as many choices as possible” (p. 47). Chapter seven importantly focuses on issues of feasibility across dimensions of financial, psychological, administrative, behavioral, political and policy processes. Torry discusses the conjunctive nature of these feasibilities, which is of practical importance to any basic income advocate. As Torry writes, the order in which feasibilities are addressed will be hugely impactful to if and how a basic income policy is implemented. In creating policy to address these feasibilities, those in favor cannot compromise on the fundamental aspects of a basic income. Torry importantly reminds that “commitment to unconditionality and nonwithdrawability ... will be essential” (p. 107). In chapter eight, Torry lays out several options for implementation of a basic income. Torrywrites, “while all that we require for a debate about a Citizen’s Basic Income to be realistic is one viable route from the current situation to the payment of a Citizen’s Basic Income” (p. 122) and he presents uswith five implementation options. A basic income could (1) be implemented all in one go, abolishing means-tested benefits, (2) be implemented all in one go, retaining means-tested benefits, (3) gradually rolled out, (4) start with volunteers, or (5)introduce a very small basic income with agreement that it will rise slowly overtime. These options are especially helpful to those writing basic income policy, and Torry notes the benefits and challenges of each. In linking back to chapter seven Torry also discusses issues of feasibility, and the potential importance of a gradual roll-out. After finishing the book, the reader may ask themselves ‘should basic income be thought of as a social policy or an economic policy?’. The simple answer is that a basic income functions as both. Throughout the book Torry is able to advocate for a basic income as a tool to address issues of income inequality, gender inequality, houselessness, among other problems, and as a tool to strengthen economies. Torry provides important examples regarding how this framing might impact how individuals and nations think about feasibility and implementation of a basic income. Torry ultimately seems to focus on the economic benefit of a basic income stating
马尔科姆·托里的《我们为什么需要公民基本收入
马尔科姆·托里的《为什么我们需要公民的基本收入》对无条件公民基本收入如何实施和发挥作用进行了全面而务实的考察。随着对基本收入的讨论和兴趣的扩大,反对者和支持者都用同样的词来表达不同的意思。缺乏通用词汇使基本收入作为一种概念和政策变得模糊。托里以清晰定义和解释的术语开始了他的书。这些词汇有助于托里的章节和论点奠定基础。虽然这本书的大部分内容都集中在可行性和实施问题上,但前几章概述了基本收入的好处。其中一个好处是基本收入的灵活性,它将使个人和家庭能够更好地应对当前经济体系的不稳定性。托利写道,目前的经济状况调查福利制度常常使个人陷入贫困陷阱,因为“随着劳动收入的增加,经济状况调查福利被取消”(第42页)。托里还将基本收入假定为奥卡姆剃刀(Occam’s Razor),无论是在管理方面还是在灵活性方面。经济状况调查福利很难管理,而且需要大量的官僚机构。这一管理的时间和成本并非微不足道,而且托里指出,基本收入“管理起来极其简单”(第79页)。经济、社会和就业的变化现在和将来都是持续的,但不是完全可以预测的,这就引出了一个问题,即如何建立一个能够满足不断变化的社会和经济需求的系统。托里主张将基本收入作为一种“[适合]广泛的就业和市场模式”和“激励经济活动并提供尽可能多的选择”的工具(第47页)。第七章重点讨论了金融、心理、行政、行为、政治和政策过程等方面的可行性问题。托里讨论了这些可行性的联合性质,这对任何基本收入倡导者都具有实际重要性。正如托里所写的那样,讨论可行性的顺序将对基本收入政策是否实施以及如何实施产生巨大影响。在制定解决这些可行性的政策时,那些支持基本收入的人不能在基本收入的基本方面妥协。托里重要地提醒说:“对无条件和不可退出的承诺……至关重要”(第107页)。在第八章中,托里列出了实施基本收入的几种选择。托里写道,“虽然我们所需要的关于公民基本收入的辩论是现实的,但从目前的情况到公民基本收入的支付,我们需要一个可行的途径”(第122页),他向我们提出了五个实施方案。基本收入可以(1)一次性实施,废除经济状况调查福利;(2)一次性实施,保留经济状况调查福利;(3)逐步推行;(4)从志愿者开始;或(5)引入非常小的基本收入,并同意随着时间的推移慢慢增加。这些选择对制定基本收入政策的人特别有帮助,托里指出了每一种选择的好处和挑战。在与第七章的联系中,托里还讨论了可行性问题,以及逐步推出的潜在重要性。读完这本书后,读者可能会问自己:“基本收入应该被视为一项社会政策还是一项经济政策?”简单的答案是,基本收入兼而有之。在整本书中,托利都主张将基本收入作为解决收入不平等、性别不平等、无家可归等问题的工具,并将其作为加强经济的工具。托里提供了一些重要的例子,说明这种框架如何影响个人和国家对基本收入的可行性和实施的看法。托利似乎最终关注的是基本收入法案的经济效益
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.40
自引率
18.20%
发文量
14
期刊介绍: Basic income is a universal income grant available to every citizen without means test or work requirement. Academic discussion of basic income and related policies has been growing in the fields of economics, philosophy, political science, sociology, and public policy over the last few decades — with dozens of journal articles published each year, and basic income constituting the subject of more than 30 books in the last 10 years. In addition, the political discussion of basic income has been expanding through social organizations, NGOs and other advocacy groups. Internationally, recent years have witnessed the endorsement of basic income by grassroots movements as well as government officials in developing countries such as Brazil or South-Africa. As the community of people working on this issue has been expanding all over the world, incorporating grassroots activists, high profile academics — including several Nobel Prize winners in economics — and policymakers, the amount of high quality research on this topic has increased considerably. In the light of such extensive scholarship on this topic, the need to coordinate research efforts through a journal specifically devoted to basic income and cognate policies became pressing. Basic Income Studies (BIS) is the first academic journal to focus specifically on basic income and cognate policies.
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