'After Months of It, You Just Want to Punch Someone in the Face': Stay-at-Home Fathers and Masculine Identities

C. Solomon
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引用次数: 15

Abstract

"I bundle up Moira and KateAnd take them to ballet which is greatAnd I sit and read a book in the hallAnd mothers do not talk to me at all.They sit down at their end and I at mineAnd they glance my way from time to timeAnd those little glances really hurt."-- "The Only Living House Dad in Eau Claire" by Garrison KeillorAs depicted in this song by Garrison Keillor, stay-at-home fathers are relatively uncommon despite an increased presence in mainstream TV shows like NBC's Parenthood or ABC's Up All Night and in TV commercials. Current estimates from the U.S. Census show stay-at-home fathers to number around 190,000 (U.S. Census, 2013). This is a substantial increase from 2002 when such dads were close to 100,000 (Fields, 2003). The rise in their numbers is perhaps a reflection of the changing expectations of fathers.Fathers, like mothers, have experienced shifts in their role in the last 40 years. Whereas economic provision and breadwinning has comprised a significant part of fathering in the past, current models of fathering encourage more hands-on involvement (Lamb, 2000; Pleck & Pleck, 1997). Such "involved fathering" entails taking responsibility for daily caregiving activities and being engaged and attentive to children's needs. Fathers are more likely to be involved with and responsible for childcare if their wives are employed outside the home (Jacobs & Kelley, 2006) and if the fathers themselves are well-educated and middle- to upper class (Marks & Palkovitz, 2004). This expectation of increased involvement creates tension. More men are reporting conflict between work and family, wishing to spend fewer hours at work and more time at home (Aumann, Galinsky, & Matos, 2011). Despite this desire, many fathers do not care for their children an equal amount of time as their wives (Shows & Gerstel, 2009) or reduce their paid work hours (Aumann, Galinsky, & Matos, 2011). This lack of involvement could stem from men's continued identification with the family breadwinner ideal that supports traditional masculinity (Aumann, Galinsky, & Matos, 2011). Investing many hours in childcare (and therefore not in paid work) contradicts the traditional ideal of fatherhood and tenents of traditional masculinity. Stay-at-home fathers represent one type of involved father, but research about their experiences is scarce, particularly in the United States. I address the following questions in my exploratory study of 32 stay-at-home fathers from locations across the United States: What are the gender-related challenges these men face because of their family behaviors? How do stay-at-home fathers respond to these challenges? In my study, I demonstrate that stay-at-home fathers challenge hegemonic masculinity when faced with resistance to their caregiving and, in doing so, create a new masculine ideal: "evolved masculinity." Research about Stay-at-Home Fathers Much research about stay-at-home fathers has been conducted in other countries (Doucet, 2004, 2006, 2009; Merla, 2008; Wall et. al., 2007). Research on stay-at-home fathers in the United States has examined the psychological aspects of this role (Rochlen, McKelley, Suizzo, & Scaringi, 2008; Rochlen, Suizzo, McKelley, & Scaringi, 2008; Rochlen, McKelley, & Whittaker, 2010), with little attention being given to the sociological aspects (Chesley, 2011). It appears that there are two major factors that facilitate men's transition into the roles of stay-at-home parents. One, families believe one parent should be the full-time primary caregiver for their children (Chesley, 2011; Doucet, 2006; Solomon, 2014; Wall et. al., 2007). Two, men experience either personal job transitions or changes with their wives' jobs (Chesley, 2011; Solomon, 2014). Within the context of a society that expects more hands-on involvement, these two factors push men toward home.Once staying at home, some men experience disapproval from others for not working for pay (Doucet, 2006; Doucet & Merla, 2007) as well as exclusion from playgroups (Merla, 2008). …
“几个月后,你只想打某人的脸”:全职爸爸和男性身份
“我把莫伊拉和凯特裹得严严实实,带她们去看芭蕾舞,那真是太棒了。我就坐在走廊里看书。妈妈们根本不跟我说话。”他们坐在他们的那头,我坐在我的那头他们不时朝我这边瞥一眼那些细细的目光真的很伤人。正如加里森·凯勒在这首歌中所描述的那样,尽管在NBC的《为人父母》或ABC的《不眠夜》等主流电视节目和电视广告中出现的频率越来越高,但全职爸爸相对来说并不多见。美国人口普查目前的估计显示,全职爸爸的数量约为19万(美国人口普查,2013年)。与2002年相比,这是一个显著的增长,当时这类父亲接近10万人(Fields, 2003)。这一数字的上升或许反映了父亲们期望的变化。父亲和母亲一样,在过去的40年里经历了角色的转变。虽然经济供给和养家糊口在过去是父亲的重要组成部分,但目前的父亲模式鼓励更多的亲力亲为(Lamb, 2000;Pleck & Pleck出版社,1997)。这种“参与式父亲”需要承担日常照顾活动的责任,并参与和关注儿童的需求。如果妻子在外工作(Jacobs & Kelley, 2006),并且父亲本身受过良好教育,属于中上层阶级(Marks & Palkovitz, 2004),那么父亲更有可能参与并负责照顾孩子。这种增加参与的期望产生了紧张。越来越多的男性报告工作和家庭之间的冲突,希望花更少的时间在工作上,更多的时间在家里(Aumann, Galinsky, & Matos, 2011)。尽管有这种愿望,但许多父亲没有像照顾妻子那样照顾孩子(Shows & Gerstel, 2009)或减少他们的带薪工作时间(Aumann, Galinsky, & Matos, 2011)。这种缺乏参与可能源于男性继续认同家庭养家糊口的理想,这种理想支持传统的男子气概(Aumann, Galinsky, & Matos, 2011)。花很多时间照顾孩子(因此不是花在有偿工作上)与传统的父亲理想和传统的男子气概相矛盾。全职父亲代表了一种参与型父亲,但关于他们经历的研究很少,尤其是在美国。在我对来自美国各地的32位全职父亲进行的探索性研究中,我提出了以下问题:由于他们的家庭行为,这些男性面临着哪些与性别相关的挑战?全职爸爸如何应对这些挑战?在我的研究中,我证明了全职父亲在面对对他们照顾的抵制时挑战了男性的霸权,并在这样做的过程中创造了一种新的男性理想:“进化的男性气质”。关于全职爸爸的研究其他国家对全职爸爸进行了大量的研究(Doucet, 2004,2006,2009;Merla, 2008;Wall等人,2007)。在美国,对全职父亲的研究从心理方面考察了这一角色(Rochlen, McKelley, Suizzo, & Scaringi, 2008;Rochlen, Suizzo, McKelley, & Scaringi, 2008;Rochlen, McKelley, & Whittaker, 2010),很少关注社会学方面(Chesley, 2011)。似乎有两个主要因素促使男性转变为全职父母的角色。第一,家庭认为父母中的一方应该是孩子的全职主要照顾者(Chesley, 2011;下去,2006;所罗门,2014;Wall等人,2007)。第二,男性要么经历个人工作转变,要么经历妻子工作的变化(Chesley, 2011;所罗门,2014)。在一个期望更多亲力亲为的社会背景下,这两个因素促使男性更倾向于回家。一旦呆在家里,一些男人就会因为不工作挣钱而遭到别人的反对(Doucet, 2006;Doucet & Merla, 2007)以及被排除在游戏小组之外(Merla, 2008)。…
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