State-Sponsored activism: bureaucrats and social movements in democratic Brazil

IF 2.5 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE
T. Tasca
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Abstract

book avoids the terms ‘right-wing’ and ‘left-wing’ populism. Instead, it labels negative types of populism as ‘exclusive’, ‘nativist’, or ‘disruptive’, while positive forms of populism as ‘inclusive’ or ‘constructive’. However, most case studies illustrate only the negative types and effects of populism, most notably, polarization and undermining institutions of the civil sphere. This is well explained in the case of Erdogan (Chapter 3), Kaczynski (Chapter 5), or the Sweden Democrats (chapter 8). Civil repair appears only as a reaction to populism. Binder argues in Chapter 7 that the rise of the AfD in Germany triggered a response from civil society organizations and gave impetus to the Green Party, resulting in the strengthening of civil solidarity. Botello introduces a similar case in Mexico, where civil repair is also the result of reactions and resistance to the populist endeavor, albeit a left-wing one. A few undoubtedly positive examples would have given stronger support to the theoretical claims. In addition to the fact that it is easier to find negative examples, the problem seems to be that differentiating between positive and negative populism is not always easy. The Commentary, a short chapter before the Conclusion, tries to provide some help to overcome this problem. Tognato argues that differentiation is difficult because negative populism uses the language of civil solidarity (civil mimicry), and both types of populism use similar tactics, such as appropriation, or re-framing (inverting) the civil and non-civil. Tognato concludes, that differentiating between the two types of populism is a task for a civil cultural critique of populism. Overall, the book is highly informative and thought-provoking for readers of cultural sociology, students of political sociology, and discourse analysis, whether they are interested in populism, or the broader topic of political discourses. The attempt to tie case studies to the CST is beneficial, although future research would benefit from applying the CST in crosscountry comparisons.
国家支持的激进主义:民主巴西的官僚和社会运动
该书避免使用“右翼”和“左翼”民粹主义这两个术语。相反,它将消极的民粹主义称为“排他性的”、“本土主义的”或“破坏性的”,而将积极的民粹主义称为“包容性的”或“建设性的”。然而,大多数案例研究只说明了民粹主义的负面类型和影响,最明显的是两极分化和破坏民间领域的机构。这在埃尔多安(第3章)、卡钦斯基(第5章)或瑞典民主党(第8章)的例子中得到了很好的解释。民间修复只是对民粹主义的一种反应。宾德在第七章中认为,德国另类选择党的崛起引发了民间社会组织的反应,并推动了绿党的发展,从而加强了民间团结。博特罗介绍了墨西哥的一个类似案例,在那里,民间修复也是对民粹主义努力的反应和抵制的结果,尽管是左翼的。一些无疑是积极的例子会给理论主张提供更有力的支持。除了更容易找到负面例子这一事实之外,问题似乎是区分积极和消极的民粹主义并不总是那么容易。评注,在结论之前的一小章,试图提供一些帮助来克服这个问题。Tognato认为,区分是困难的,因为消极民粹主义使用公民团结(民事模仿)的语言,两种类型的民粹主义使用类似的策略,如挪用,或重新构建(颠倒)民事和非民事。托格纳托总结说,区分两种类型的民粹主义是民粹主义的民间文化批判的任务。总的来说,这本书对文化社会学的读者、政治社会学的学生和话语分析的读者来说,无论他们对民粹主义感兴趣,还是对更广泛的政治话语感兴趣,都是非常有用的,发人深省的。将个案研究与国家总价联系起来的尝试是有益的,尽管未来的研究将受益于在跨国比较中应用国家总价。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
7.50
自引率
9.70%
发文量
55
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