Territorial partition of Palestine

I. Galnoor
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引用次数: 9

Abstract

The article explores attitudes of nations and states to territory and boundaries. These attitudes are divided into two categories. First, expressive arguments for maintaining or acquiring territory invoke a higher principle of ideology, faith, history, nature, language, race, community, or culture to prove that this territory ‘belongs’. For example, ‘historical rights’ are presented to prove that the state is entitled to a certain territory. Second, instrumental arguments in which territory and boundaries are regarded as dependent variables. These arguments invoke functional ‘needs’ such as strategy, defence, economic viability, social development, transport and communication to prove that territory is required. The value of territory is thus defined as a means to other collective goals.

To investigate these attitudes, a concrete case-study is presented: was the Zionist movement willing to trade territory for other values when confronted with this decision in 1937? In that year, a British Royal Commission proposed that the territory of western Palestine be divided between Arabs and Jews and that an independent Jewish state be established on a territory of 5000 sq.km. The proposal resulted in a heated controversy within the Zionist movement: should the Jews accept a state on merely one fifth of their homeland?

Five positions regarding this partition proposal are placed on a continuum: strong opposition, opposition, undecided, support, strong support. They are further examined according to their ‘expressive’ and ‘instrumental’ contents.

The resolution of the Zionist Congress in August 1937 was to adopt partition on principle and to negotiate with the British government the precise terms for establishing a Jewish state. This decision is presented as a victory of the instrumentalist pragmatic approach, according to which territory was a means for accomplishing other goals. The choice parameters of the 1937 decision typify the dilemma that later confronted the State of Israel, as well as other nation-states in similar situations.

巴勒斯坦领土分割
本文探讨了民族和国家对领土和边界的态度。这些态度分为两类。首先,维护或获得领土的表达性论点援引意识形态、信仰、历史、自然、语言、种族、社区或文化等更高的原则来证明这片领土“属于”。例如,“历史权利”被用来证明国家有权拥有某一特定领土。第二,将领土和边界视为因变量的工具性论证。这些论点援引功能性“需求”,如战略、国防、经济可行性、社会发展、运输和通信,以证明领土是必需的。因此,领土的价值被定义为实现其他集体目标的手段。为了调查这些态度,提出了一个具体的案例研究:当1937年面临这一决定时,犹太复国主义运动是否愿意用领土换取其他价值?那一年,一个英国皇家委员会提议,将巴勒斯坦西部的领土划分给阿拉伯人和犹太人,在5000平方公里的土地上建立一个独立的犹太国家。这一提议在犹太复国主义运动中引发了激烈的争论:犹太人是否应该接受一个仅占其家园五分之一的国家?关于这一分治建议的五个立场是连续的:强烈反对、反对、未决定、支持、强烈支持。根据它们的“表达性”和“工具性”内容,它们被进一步检验。1937年8月,犹太复国主义大会(Zionist Congress)的决议是在原则上采取分治,并与英国政府就建立一个犹太国家的具体条件进行谈判。这一决定被认为是工具主义实用主义方法的胜利,根据这种方法,领土是实现其他目标的手段。1937年决定的选择参数代表了后来以色列国以及其他处于类似情况的民族国家所面临的困境。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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