Sovereign Debt Restructuring, Odious Debt, and the Politics of Debt Relief

Q2 Social Sciences
R. K. Rasmussen
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

"Odious debt" is more of a literature rather than a doctrine. One can find numerous arguments dating back decades arguing that new regimes should be entitled to relief from "odious debts." The actual cases of relief, however, are few. Countries with obligations that could easily be classified as odious debt eschew reliance on the doctrine. The recent interest in the odious debt doctrine was precipitated by the ouster of Saddam Hussein. The new government of Iraq was able to pare down its debt without resting on the odious debt doctrine. Indeed, this resolution may portend that discussions of odious debt will recede from policy circles. There is a lesson here that should not be missed. Odious debt is a politically motivated concept. By tying debt relief to the character of the old regime, the doctrine seeks to achieve desired political results in two ways. While a disfavored regime is in place, it attempts to erode that regime by constricting available funds. After the regime falls, it encourages certain political outcomes by offering financial relief to acceptable regimes. What is too often overlooked is that odious debt is not unique on this score. All sovereign debt relief is political. Turkey is not treated as Honduras. The literature on sovereign debt restructuring exhibits unease with this situation. One can view the recent spate of proposed Sovereign Debt Restructuring Mechanisms as attempts to lessen the political nature of the process in much the way that American corporate reorganization law removes political considerations from restructuring activities. Rather than ignoring the tension between politics and law here, future work needs to embrace it. An optimal sovereign debt restructuring regime may be one that provides a minimum of relief available to all countries, but allows room for countries to use political levers to extract additional relief.
主权债务重组,可恶的债务,以及债务减免的政治
“可憎的债务”与其说是一种教义,不如说是一种文学。人们可以找到许多可以追溯到几十年前的论点,认为新政权应该有权免除“可恶的债务”。然而,实际的救济案例却很少。那些债务很容易被归类为不良债务的国家避免依赖这一原则。萨达姆•侯赛因(Saddam Hussein)的下台,促成了最近人们对可恶的债务主义的兴趣。伊拉克新政府能够在不依赖可恶的债务主义的情况下削减债务。事实上,这项决议可能预示着,关于可恶债务的讨论将从政策圈中消失。这里有一个不容错过的教训。可恶的债务是一个有政治动机的概念。通过将债务减免与旧政权的性质联系起来,该理论试图通过两种方式实现预期的政治结果。当一个不受欢迎的制度到位时,它试图通过限制可用资金来削弱这一制度。在政权倒台后,它会通过向可接受的政权提供财政救济,鼓励某些政治结果。经常被忽视的是,在这方面,可恶的债务并不是唯一的。所有的主权债务减免都是政治性的。土耳其不被视为洪都拉斯。有关主权债务重组的文献对这种情况表现出不安。人们可以把最近大量提出的主权债务重组机制看作是试图减少这一过程的政治性质,就像美国公司重组法从重组活动中消除政治考虑一样。与其忽视政治和法律之间的紧张关系,未来的工作需要拥抱它。最理想的主权债务重组制度可能是向所有国家提供最低限度的减免,但允许各国利用政治杠杆获得额外减免的空间。
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来源期刊
Law and Contemporary Problems
Law and Contemporary Problems Social Sciences-Law
CiteScore
2.00
自引率
0.00%
发文量
1
期刊介绍: Law and Contemporary Problems was founded in 1933 and is the oldest journal published at Duke Law School. It is a quarterly, interdisciplinary, faculty-edited publication of Duke Law School. L&CP recognizes that many fields in the sciences, social sciences, and humanities can enhance the development and understanding of law. It is our purpose to seek out these areas of overlap and to publish balanced symposia that enlighten not just legal readers, but readers from these other disciplines as well. L&CP uses a symposium format, generally publishing one symposium per issue on a topic of contemporary concern. Authors and articles are selected to ensure that each issue collectively creates a unified presentation of the contemporary problem under consideration. L&CP hosts an annual conference at Duke Law School featuring the authors of one of the year’s four symposia.
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