Drawing Trump Naked: Curbing the Right of Publicity to Protect Public Discourse

T. Kadri
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

From Donald Trump to Lindsay Lohan to Manuel Noriega, real people who are portrayed in expressive works are increasingly targeting creators of those works for allegedly violating their “right of publicity”—a state-law tort, grounded in privacy concerns, that prohibits the unauthorized use of a person’s name, likeness, and other identifying characteristics. This Article provides a new framework to reconcile publicity rights with a robust commitment to free speech under the First Amendment. After describing the current landscape in the courts, this Article scrutinizes the “educative” First Amendment theory that has motivated many of the past decisions confronting the right of publicity—a listener-focused theory that relies on the public’s right to receive information. This Article then reframes the doctrine in a new way: as four distinct educative defenses that have developed to assuage concerns about publicity rights interfering with speech on matters of public concern. These four defenses might seem encouraging to those who worry that publicity rights impair expressive rights. But all too often they have instead complicated and undermined the opposition to publicity rights and, as a result, they pose an unexpected and underestimated threat to free speech. To combat this threat, this Article recalibrates First Amendment theory as it relates to the right of publicity. To adequately protect creators and their expressive works, this Article argues that we must abandon educative models of the First Amendment and instead adopt an approach that also protects the speaker as a central part of enabling public discourse. Failure to adopt this speaker-focused theory in publicity doctrine will perpetuate confusion in the courts and state legislatures, an outcome that will have a chilling effect on creators who seek to portray real people in their work. Yet we must also recognize the interests that publicity rights can serve. As we move into an era of new technology and innovation—from “deep fakes” to nonconsensual pornography—this challenge will only intensify. To address it, courts should refer to the constitutional concept of “public discourse” when publicity rights face off against expressive rights—a concept that not only empowers free expression, but also considers the narrow interests that we should all have in preventing certain uses of our images.
画特朗普裸体:遏制宣传权以保护公共话语
从唐纳德·特朗普到林赛·罗韩再到曼努埃尔·诺列加,那些被描绘在富有表现力的作品中的真人越来越多地把矛头指向这些作品的创作者,理由是他们侵犯了他们的“公开权”——这是一种基于隐私问题的州法侵权行为,禁止未经授权使用一个人的姓名、肖像和其他识别特征。该条提供了一个新的框架,以协调宣传权与第一修正案下对言论自由的坚定承诺。在描述了法院当前的情况之后,本文仔细研究了“教育性的”第一修正案理论,它激发了许多过去与宣传权相冲突的决定——一种以听众为中心的理论,它依赖于公众接受信息的权利。然后,本文以一种新的方式重新构建了这一原则:作为四种不同的教育辩护,这些辩护已经发展起来,以减轻对公众关注事项的宣传权干扰言论的担忧。对于那些担心形象权损害表达权的人来说,这四项抗辩似乎是鼓舞人心的。但它们往往反而使反对宣传权的力量变得复杂和削弱,结果,它们对言论自由构成了意想不到的、被低估的威胁。为了打击这一威胁,本条重新校准了第一修正案的理论,因为它与宣传权有关。为了充分保护创作者及其富有表现力的作品,本文认为,我们必须放弃第一修正案的教育模式,转而采取一种保护演讲者的方法,将其作为实现公共话语的核心部分。如果在宣传原则中不采用这种以说话人为中心的理论,将会使法院和州立法机构的困惑持续下去,这一结果将对那些试图在作品中描绘真实人物的创作者产生寒蝉效应。然而,我们也必须认识到形象权可以服务的利益。随着我们进入一个新技术和创新的时代——从“深度造假”到未经同意的色情——这一挑战只会加剧。为了解决这个问题,当形象权与表达权发生冲突时,法院应该参考宪法中“公共话语”的概念——这个概念不仅赋予言论自由权力,而且考虑到我们都应该拥有的狭隘利益,即防止我们的形象被某些人使用。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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