The Militancy of (Black) Memory

IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES
Jenn M. Jackson
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In August 2020, prominent race scholar and thinker on anti-racism Ibram X. Kendi wrote an article in the Atlantic titled, “Is This the Beginning of the End of American Racism?” The subtitle read: “Donald Trump has revealed the depths of the country’s prejudice—and has inadvertently forced a reckoning.” Kendi’s words, though likely meant to be a rhetorical device, are one of many examples of the ways that white people’s discovery of racism, anti-Blackness, and, perhaps, Blackness, in general, is often valorized as an indicator of progress toward the democratic ideals so many believe to belie American society and culture. But what does the centering of white discovery mean for Black memory? What does white ignorance demand of Black people? How are Black Americans transcending dominator logics that often hold captive both memory and history-making power? Through a synthesis of Nietzsche’s conception of memory as a site of identity and community formation and Charles Mills’s theory of “white ignorance,” I argue that the log-ics and practices handed down intergenerationally by white Americans through the imperial project of whiteness induce a process of history- erasing and world remaking. Yet, piercing through this deployment of intentional and facilitated white ignorance, collective memory within Black communities, and specifically through Black-led social movements, is a form of militancy and resistance that disrupts the insinuated social order established by mainstream, white supremacist normativity. Of particular importance is the fact that this militancy, an insurgent force that has reverberated across the globe, opens up new avenues for Black world-building, futurity, and political imagination deemed impossible under current carceral conditions, irreconcilable with present-day politics, and incompatible with white-centered notions of justice, liberty, and democratic freedom. Critically, in this moment, as Black Americans are disproportionately harmed by the effects of COVID-19, hypersurveilled in neighborhoods plagued by neoliberal disinvestment, and over-policed en masse, mass movements like Black Lives Matter have disrupted, interrupted, and reoriented the social landscape toward a disconnection in the white supremacist archival practices that have long defined Western postcolonial culture. Now, young Black Americans, in particular, challenge notions of time, lineage, and world-making by rebuking the erasure of Black memory and Black futurity. In fact, it is through this collective memory, in the form of social organizing, community education projects, and other intraracial resistance efforts, that the anti-Black, white supremacist frameworks of ignorance may be dismantled wholesale. As the country continues to grapple with the killings of Black Americans like Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd, those most affected by these tragedies have built pathways to open up new spaces for collective memory and mourning. Young Black Americans are engaging in protest and public rage not for the white gaze, but for themselves. As such, this political moment offers us a different vision, one in which those most excluded from history are the history-makers. This global effort toward mass memory-making presents both a theoretical and chronological disjuncture that bends us further toward a future where all Black people are free.
(黑人)记忆的战斗性
2020年8月,著名种族学者、反种族主义思想家易卜拉欣·肯迪在《大西洋月刊》发表题为《这是美国种族主义终结的开始吗?》副标题是:“唐纳德·特朗普揭露了这个国家根深蒂固的偏见——并在不经意间迫使人们进行了反思。”肯迪的话,虽然可能是一种修辞手段,但它是白人发现种族主义、反黑人,或许还有总体上的黑人,往往被视为民主理想进步的标志的众多例子之一,许多人认为这是美国社会和文化的信条。但是白人发现的中心对黑人的记忆意味着什么呢?白人的无知对黑人有什么要求?美国黑人是如何超越经常束缚记忆和创造历史的权力的支配逻辑的?通过尼采的记忆概念作为身份和社区形成的场所和查尔斯·米尔斯的“白人无知”理论的综合,我认为美国白人通过白人的帝国工程代代相传的逻辑和实践引发了一个历史抹去和世界重塑的过程。然而,穿透这种有意和促成的白人无知的部署,黑人社区内的集体记忆,特别是通过黑人领导的社会运动,是一种战斗和抵抗的形式,它破坏了由主流白人至上主义规范建立的含蓄的社会秩序。尤其重要的是,这种战斗性,一种在全球范围内引起回响的反叛力量,为黑人的世界建设、未来和政治想象开辟了新的途径,在当前的奴隶制条件下,这是不可能的,与当今的政治不可调和,与以白人为中心的正义、自由和民主自由的观念不相容。关键的是,在这个时刻,随着美国黑人受到COVID-19影响的不成比例的伤害,在新自由主义撤投资困扰的社区受到过度监控,以及大规模过度监管,像“黑人的命也是命”这样的群众运动已经扰乱、中断并重新定位了社会景观,使其与长期以来定义西方后殖民文化的白人至上主义档案实践脱节。现在,尤其是年轻的美国黑人,通过谴责抹杀黑人记忆和黑人未来,挑战了时间、血统和创造世界的观念。事实上,正是通过这种集体记忆,以社会组织、社区教育项目和其他种族内部抵抗努力的形式,反黑人、白人至上主义的无知框架可能会被彻底摧毁。随着美国继续努力解决阿默德·阿贝里、布里奥娜·泰勒和乔治·弗洛伊德等美国黑人被杀的问题,那些受这些悲剧影响最大的人已经建立了通道,为集体记忆和哀悼开辟了新的空间。年轻的美国黑人参与抗议和公众愤怒,不是为了白人的目光,而是为了他们自己。因此,这个政治时刻为我们提供了一个不同的愿景,在这个愿景中,那些最被排除在历史之外的人是历史的创造者。这种大规模制造记忆的全球努力呈现出理论和时间上的脱节,使我们进一步走向所有黑人都自由的未来。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.80
自引率
0.00%
发文量
62
期刊介绍: Individual subscribers and institutions with electronic access can view issues of the South Atlantic Quarterly online. If you have not signed up, review the first-time access instructions. Founded amid controversy in 1901, the South Atlantic Quarterly continues to cover the beat, center and fringe, with bold analyses of the current scene—national, cultural, intellectual—worldwide. Now published exclusively in special issues, this vanguard centenarian journal is tackling embattled states, evaluating postmodernity"s influential writers and intellectuals, and examining a wide range of cultural phenomena.
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