Black Rage in New Orleans: Police Brutality and African American Activism from World War II to Hurricane Katrina

M. D. Crawford
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引用次数: 14

Abstract

Black Rage in New Orleans: Police Brutality and African American Activism from World War II to Hurricane Katrina AUTHOR: LEONARD N. MOORE LOUISIANA STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2010 PRICE: $35.00 HARDCOVER ISBN-13:9780807135907 In the shadow of America's fight for democracy following WWII, freedom at home came to mean the right to fair police protection for many African American communities. Leonard N. Moore's Black Rage in New Orleans." Police Brutality and African American Activism from World War II to Hurricane Katrina (2010) examines the history of African American protests to secure equitable treatment and fair police protection from the New Orleans Police Department (NOPD) as a civil right in Post-WWII New Orleans. Moore contends that African American communities in the "Crescent City" sustained a six-decade long campaign of opposition to police brutality in a struggle waged principally along class lines. Primarily led by poor and working class African Americans, anti-brutality activists pursued both mass protests tactics and black electoral politics in their struggle for social justice. In the two decades following the end of WWII, anti-brutality activism in New Orleans mirrored broader historical developments taking place throughout African American communities. During the 1950s and mid-1960s, major developments effecting African American voting rights were the principal catalyst for police reform. Moore demonstrates how--as a consequence of increased African American voting strength in the wake of Smith v. Allright (1944) and Hall v. Nagel (1946), two court rulings that outlawed all-white primaries--civic leaders and law enforcement officials in New Orleans appeared more willing to listen to African American anti-brutality activists. Similarly, the Civil Rights Act of 1965 brought a renewed sense of hope for the promise that black electoral politics might bring concrete police reform. Unfortunately, in a city dominated by special interests, New Orleans' African American middle class at times aligned its concerns with local government officials when seeking political patronage for delivering African American voters in key city-wide elections. The creation of the Community Organization for Urban Politics (COUP), the Southern Organization for United Leadership (SOUL) and the 1969 mayoral election of Moon Landrieu are illustrative of this relationship, and these developments proved cosmetic and wholly ineffective--at best--in resolving the need for comprehensive police reform. As the passive, non-violent protests of the Civil Rights Movement gave way to the more radical tactics of the Black Power Movement in the late 1960s, so too did anti-brutality activism in New Orleans take on a more visible, highly confrontational and less structured tone. Widespread support by poor and working class African Americans for a more revolutionary approach to acquiring fair police protection was evident, Moore illustrates, in 1970 during the Black Panther Party's two armed confrontations with the NOPD. Thousands of residents from New Orleans' Desire Housing Projects provided material and emotional support to the Panther's efforts to end police repression. …
新奥尔良的黑人愤怒:从第二次世界大战到卡特里娜飓风的警察暴行和非裔美国人行动主义
《新奥尔良的黑人暴怒:从二战到卡特里娜飓风的警察暴行与非裔美国人行动主义》作者:伦纳德·n·摩尔路易斯安那州立大学出版社,2010年价格:35美元精封面ISBN-13:9780807135907在二战后美国争取民主的阴影下,对许多非裔美国人社区来说,在国内的自由意味着获得公平警察保护的权利。伦纳德·n·摩尔的《新奥尔良的黑人愤怒》从第二次世界大战到卡特里娜飓风(2010),警察暴行和非裔美国人的行动主义考察了二战后新奥尔良警察局(NOPD)的非裔美国人抗议的历史,以确保公平待遇和公平的警察保护作为一项公民权利。摩尔认为,“新月城”的非裔美国人社区坚持了长达60年的反对警察暴行的运动,主要是沿着阶级路线进行的斗争。反暴行活动人士主要由贫穷和工人阶级的非裔美国人领导,他们在争取社会正义的斗争中采用大规模抗议策略和黑人选举政治。在二战结束后的20年里,新奥尔良的反暴行运动反映了整个非裔美国人社区更广泛的历史发展。在1950年代和1960年代中期,影响非洲裔美国人投票权的重大事态发展是警察改革的主要催化剂。摩尔展示了在史密斯诉奥尔莱特案(1944年)和霍尔诉内格尔案(1946年)两起法院裁决禁止全白人初选之后,非裔美国人的投票力量增加的结果——新奥尔良的公民领袖和执法官员似乎更愿意听取非裔美国反暴行活动家的意见。同样,1965年的《民权法案》(Civil Rights Act)为黑人选举政治可能带来具体的警察改革的承诺带来了新的希望。不幸的是,在一个由特殊利益集团主导的城市,新奥尔良的非裔美国中产阶级有时会与当地政府官员结盟,寻求政治庇护,以便在关键的全市选举中输送非裔美国选民。城市政治社区组织(COUP)、南方联合领导组织(SOUL)的成立以及1969年穆恩·兰德鲁的市长选举都说明了这种关系,这些发展被证明是表面的,在解决全面警察改革的需要方面完全无效。20世纪60年代末,随着民权运动(Civil Rights Movement)中被动的非暴力抗议活动让位于黑人权力运动(Black Power Movement)中更为激进的策略,新奥尔良的反暴行活动也呈现出一种更明显、高度对抗性和更松散的基调。摩尔指出,1970年,在黑豹党与纽约警察局的两次武装冲突中,穷人和工人阶级的非洲裔美国人普遍支持以更具革命性的方式获得公平的警察保护。来自新奥尔良“渴望住房项目”的数千名居民为黑豹结束警察镇压的努力提供了物质和情感上的支持。…
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