Sino-Russian Relations in Central Asia: Challenges, Concerns and Cooperation

Almir Mustafić, Hamza Preljević
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Abstract

The goal of the paper is to analyze the Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The analysis will briefly touch upon the relations between Beijing and Moscow in general but the focus will remain on their relations in the post-Soviet era in Central Asia. Today, China and Russia are BRICS member states. They are united in opposing US unipolarity and they are among the largest and most populous countries in the world. Their border is over 4.000 km long and they are both veto powers on the United Nations Security Council. However, relations between China and Russia have always been complex. At times they waged wars and had border disputes, only to become close allies shortly after. Period of severe conflicts between 1917 and 1950 was followed by a progressive era of oil exploration, student exchanges and various other partnerships. Their rapprochement ended in 1960 and started again in 2008. But the question is: How long wills the rapprochement last? They currently have many things in common but Central Asia remains a potential area of dispute for both countries. Analyzing some accounts on Chinese investments in Central Asia (e.g. Tiezzi, 2014), it becomes obvious that Beijing is highly unlikely to withdraw from the region in case of Russian pressure. On the other hand, Russia is highly unlikely to continue tolerating the rising Chinese influence in Central Asia, as its role has already been significantly reduced in this region. The pipeline that was supposed to connect Siberia with the Chinese province of Xinjiang has been postponed because Putin believes that it could give China leverage over Russia’s internal, as well as external political processes. Putin’s decision will certainly not stop China’s expansion in Central Asia and the Russian Federation will try to avoid a subordinate position in its former republics. This situation complicates their relationship in Central Asia, especially if growing US investments in the region are taken into account. This is why selecting a single IR theory to analyze the Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia is not a simple task. Considering the current circumstances and initiatives by both countries in their internal affairs, as well as in Central Asia, neoclassical realist approach to Sino-Russian relations might give the best results and it will therefore be applied in this paper.
中亚地区中俄关系:挑战、关切与合作
本文旨在分析苏联解体后中亚地区的中俄关系。本分析将简要介绍北京和莫斯科之间的总体关系,但重点仍将放在后苏联时代中俄在中亚的关系上。今天,中国和俄罗斯都是金砖国家成员国。他们团结一致反对美国的单极化,他们是世界上面积最大、人口最多的国家之一。两国边境线长达4000多公里,在联合国安理会都拥有否决权。然而,中俄关系一直很复杂。有时他们会发动战争,发生边界争端,但很快就成为了亲密的盟友。1917年至1950年的严重冲突时期之后是石油勘探、学生交流和各种其他伙伴关系的进步时代。他们的友好关系于1960年结束,并于2008年再次开始。但问题是:这种和解能持续多久?两国目前有许多共同之处,但中亚仍是两国潜在的争议地区。分析中国在中亚投资的一些账户(例如Tiezzi, 2014),很明显,如果俄罗斯施加压力,北京不太可能退出该地区。另一方面,俄罗斯不太可能继续容忍中国在中亚不断上升的影响力,因为它在该地区的作用已经大大减弱。原计划连接西伯利亚和中国新疆的管道项目被推迟了,因为普京认为,这可以让中国对俄罗斯的内部和外部政治进程施加影响。普京的决定肯定不会阻止中国在中亚的扩张,俄罗斯联邦将努力避免在其前共和国中处于从属地位。这种情况使两国在中亚的关系复杂化,尤其是考虑到美国在该地区不断增长的投资。这就是为什么选择一个单一的IR理论来分析中亚地区的中俄关系并不是一项简单的任务。考虑到两国在内部事务和中亚地区的现状和举措,新古典现实主义方法可能会产生最好的效果,因此本文将采用这种方法。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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