NAACP Youth and the Fight for Black Freedom: 1936-1965

Kam-Teo Weyburn
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引用次数: 7

Abstract

NAACP Youth and the Fight for Black Freedom: 1936-1965 Author: Thomas L. Bynum University of Tennessee Press, 2013 Price: $ 49.00 ISBN: 978-1-57233-945-3 NAACP Youth and the Fight for Black Freedom: 1936-1965 is a recent work by Thomas Bynum that challenges current historiography which argues that the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) viewed civil rights activism within its ranks as anathema to its legal assault against segregation. Indeed, the historian from Middle Tennessee State University posits that the African American protests of the 1960s had as its genesis the NAACP youth direct action that began in the 1930s and that expanded mightily in the 1940s and '50s. In the final analysis, ironically, Bynum asserts that the autocratic bureaucracy of the NAACP stifled the very youth and student activism in the association in the 1960s that it had created three decades earlier. Bynum informs us in the first chapter of NAACP Youth that Juanita Jackson, a student leader, laid the foundation for "non-violent direct action" (1) by young people within the NAACP in the 1930s. A member of a prominent NAACP family in Baltimore, Maryland, Jackson had access to the still relatively young association (founded in 1909) hierarchy where she promoted the importance of African American youth as future association leaders. These were also the years where the role of NAACP youth and college chapters were formulated with the youth coming within the jurisdiction of local branches while the latter came within the purview of college administrators (both black and white) and the NAACP Board of Directors. The first chapter also portrays a civil rights organization laying the groundwork for young people to advocate for equal educational opportunities, employment opportunities, civil liberties, and anti-lynching legislation, mandates that reflected the agenda of the NAACP National Office in New York City. Bynum briefly mentions some youth and college chapter support of the "Scottsboro Boys" during the late 1930s but does not criticize the class bias of the association's establishment (secretary Walter White, in particular) for initially not supporting the working class black youngsters falsely accused of raping two white women. The Second World War motivated NAACP young people to new heights of political engagement as black soldiers that were ostensibly fighting a war against racism abroad still faced racism at home. According to Bynum, the 1940s also brought to prominence national youth director Ruby Hurley who saw a "lack of collaboration" between youth councils and college chapters as an opportunity for closer cooperation between the two groups in order to advance the NAACP agenda. Certainly, the energetic Hurley used the war as a catalyst to mobilize African American young adults to document black soldiers' "undergoing physical violence at the hands of white commanding officers or mob violence." (34) Disappointingly, the author only makes a passing comment on the "Double V for Victory" campaign that took place during the Second World War an omission of a civil rights endeavor (originated by the Pittsburg Courier and therefore outside the self-proclaimed hegemony of the NAACP) that should have garnered the interest of association youth councils and college chapters. Nevertheless, an important revelation in NAACP Youth was that prominent black public colleges such as Howard University restrained its students from engaging in student direct action because of its dependence on federal government funding. The tremendous mass mobilization of NAACP youth councils and college chapters after the Second World War was a positive reaction to the continuing segregation in the United States. In fact, asserts Bynum, conferences in the late 1940s "provided valuable leadership training for political and social activism," (48) that focused on the political machinations and the lobbying of Congress which in turn complemented the NAACP's encouragement of youth councils and college chapters to challenge discriminatory practices in local communities. …
全国有色人种协进会青年与黑人自由之战:1936-1965
《全国有色人种协进会青年与为黑人自由而战:1936-1965》作者:托马斯·l·拜纳姆田纳西大学出版社,2013年价格:49.00美元ISBN: 978-1- 5733 -945-3《全国有色人种协进会青年与为黑人自由而战:1936-1965》是托马斯·拜纳姆最近的一部作品,它挑战了当前的史学,这些史学认为全国有色人种协进会(NAACP)将其内部的民权运动视为对其法律攻击种族隔离的厌恶。事实上,这位中田纳西州立大学的历史学家认为,20世纪60年代的非裔美国人抗议活动起源于NAACP青年直接行动,该行动始于20世纪30年代,并在20世纪40年代和50年代得到了极大的扩展。在最后的分析中,具有讽刺意味的是,拜纳姆断言,NAACP的专制官僚机构扼杀了该协会30年前在20世纪60年代创造的青年和学生激进主义。拜纳姆在《全国有色人种协进会青年》的第一章中告诉我们,学生领袖胡安妮塔·杰克逊(Juanita Jackson)在20世纪30年代为全国有色人种协进会青年的“非暴力直接行动”奠定了基础。作为马里兰州巴尔的摩一个显赫的NAACP家族的成员,杰克逊有机会进入这个相对年轻的协会(成立于1909年),在那里她宣传了非裔美国青年作为未来协会领导人的重要性。这也是NAACP青年和大学分会的角色形成的年代,青年在地方分会的管辖范围内,而后者则在大学管理人员(黑人和白人)和NAACP董事会的管辖范围内。第一章还描绘了一个民权组织为年轻人倡导平等的教育机会、就业机会、公民自由和反私刑立法奠定基础,这些任务反映了纽约全国有色人种协进会全国办事处的议程。拜纳姆简要地提到了一些青年和大学分会在20世纪30年代后期对“斯科茨伯勒男孩”的支持,但没有批评该协会成立时的阶级偏见(尤其是秘书长沃尔特·怀特),因为他们最初不支持被诬告强奸两名白人妇女的工人阶级黑人青年。第二次世界大战促使NAACP年轻人的政治参与达到了新的高度,因为表面上在国外反对种族主义的黑人士兵在国内仍然面临种族主义。根据拜纳姆的说法,20世纪40年代,全国青年主任鲁比·赫尔利(Ruby Hurley)也引起了人们的注意,她认为青年委员会和大学分会之间“缺乏合作”是两个团体加强合作的机会,以推进NAACP的议程。当然,精力充沛的赫尔利利用战争作为催化剂,动员非裔美国年轻人记录黑人士兵“遭受白人指挥官或暴民暴力的身体暴力”。(34)令人失望的是,作者只对发生在第二次世界大战期间的“双V求胜利”运动作了简略的评论,而忽略了一项民权运动(由匹兹堡信使发起,因此不在NAACP自称的霸权范围之内),这项运动本应引起协会青年理事会和大学分会的兴趣。然而,NAACP青年的一个重要启示是,著名的黑人公立大学,如霍华德大学,由于依赖联邦政府的资助,限制了学生参与学生直接行动。第二次世界大战后,全国有色人种协进会青年委员会和大学分会的大规模动员是对美国持续种族隔离的积极反应。事实上,拜纳姆断言,20世纪40年代末的会议“为政治和社会行动主义提供了宝贵的领导力培训”(48),这些会议集中在政治阴谋和国会游说上,这反过来又补充了NAACP对青年委员会和大学分会的鼓励,以挑战当地社区的歧视做法。…
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