Property Lawfare: Historical Racism and Present Islamophobia in Anti-Mosque Activism

C. Choudhury
{"title":"Property Lawfare: Historical Racism and Present Islamophobia in Anti-Mosque Activism","authors":"C. Choudhury","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3259286","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This chapter concerns itself with the use of the law, legal institutions, and processes in anti-mosque activism and litigation to advance an social and political agenda that seeks to marginalize, if not expel, Islam and Muslims from mainstream America. It argues that even though anti-mosque activists who seek redress in courts most often lose, they “win by losing”— a phenomenon well theorized by law and social movement scholars. In other words, the strategy of litigating a narrow legal issue is not so much about winning the lawsuit but about using the courts to introduce social and political claims that further an Islamophobic agenda. Regardless of the legal outcome, anti-Muslim groups achieve significant results: their use of the law results in political consolidation of the anti-mosque movement, it keeps alive questions about Islam and Muslims’ ability to “belong” in the U.S., it demonstrates the willingness to fight for a dominant racial ordering that excludes minorities from some neighborhoods, and it forces the internalization of both social and material costs by the Muslim communities that go well beyond the costs of litigation. As critical race scholars and critical theorists have long argued, law itself is a political and indeterminate instrument. The “law is a central, if not the most central, participant in the broader project of Islamophobia.” Khaled Beydoun theorizes that Islamophobia from a legal perspective can be understood as three intersecting dimensions—private, structural, and dialectical. This chapter demonstrates this very intersectionality as it appears in anti-mosque activism. It analyzes how the private Islamophobia of community members can become galvanized into community action and through the use of the structures of the state (zoning commissions and courts) reinforce dialectical Islamophobia signaling that Muslims must explain, apologize for, and justify their actions even where those actions are entirely uncontroversial for other groups.","PeriodicalId":82443,"journal":{"name":"Real property, probate, and trust journal","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2018-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Real property, probate, and trust journal","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3259286","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

This chapter concerns itself with the use of the law, legal institutions, and processes in anti-mosque activism and litigation to advance an social and political agenda that seeks to marginalize, if not expel, Islam and Muslims from mainstream America. It argues that even though anti-mosque activists who seek redress in courts most often lose, they “win by losing”— a phenomenon well theorized by law and social movement scholars. In other words, the strategy of litigating a narrow legal issue is not so much about winning the lawsuit but about using the courts to introduce social and political claims that further an Islamophobic agenda. Regardless of the legal outcome, anti-Muslim groups achieve significant results: their use of the law results in political consolidation of the anti-mosque movement, it keeps alive questions about Islam and Muslims’ ability to “belong” in the U.S., it demonstrates the willingness to fight for a dominant racial ordering that excludes minorities from some neighborhoods, and it forces the internalization of both social and material costs by the Muslim communities that go well beyond the costs of litigation. As critical race scholars and critical theorists have long argued, law itself is a political and indeterminate instrument. The “law is a central, if not the most central, participant in the broader project of Islamophobia.” Khaled Beydoun theorizes that Islamophobia from a legal perspective can be understood as three intersecting dimensions—private, structural, and dialectical. This chapter demonstrates this very intersectionality as it appears in anti-mosque activism. It analyzes how the private Islamophobia of community members can become galvanized into community action and through the use of the structures of the state (zoning commissions and courts) reinforce dialectical Islamophobia signaling that Muslims must explain, apologize for, and justify their actions even where those actions are entirely uncontroversial for other groups.
财产法战:反清真寺行动中的历史种族主义和当前的伊斯兰恐惧症
本章关注的是在反清真寺行动主义和诉讼中使用法律、法律制度和程序来推进一项社会和政治议程,该议程试图将伊斯兰教和穆斯林从美国主流中边缘化(如果不是驱逐的话)。它认为,尽管在法庭上寻求赔偿的反清真寺活动人士往往会失败,但他们“以输为赢”——这一现象被法律和社会运动学者很好地理论化了。换句话说,对一个狭隘的法律问题进行诉讼的策略,与其说是为了赢得诉讼,不如说是为了利用法庭提出社会和政治主张,从而进一步推动伊斯兰恐惧症的议程。无论法律结果如何,反穆斯林团体都取得了重大成果:他们对法律的使用导致了反清真寺运动在政治上的巩固,它使关于伊斯兰教和穆斯林在美国“归属”能力的问题继续存在,它表明了为一种主导的种族秩序而斗争的意愿,这种秩序将少数民族排除在某些社区之外,它迫使穆斯林社区的社会和物质成本内在化,这远远超出了诉讼的成本。正如批判种族学者和批判理论家长期以来所主张的那样,法律本身是一种政治的、不确定的工具。“在更广泛的伊斯兰恐惧症项目中,这项法律即使不是最核心的,也是核心的参与者。”Khaled beydown认为,从法律角度来看,伊斯兰恐惧症可以被理解为三个相互交叉的维度——私人的、结构的和辩证的。这一章展示了这种交叉性,因为它出现在反清真寺行动主义中。它分析了社区成员的私人伊斯兰恐惧症如何被激发成社区行动,并通过使用国家结构(分区委员会和法院)加强辩证的伊斯兰恐惧症,表明穆斯林必须解释,道歉,并为他们的行为辩护,即使这些行为对其他群体来说完全没有争议。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术官方微信