Comparing Chinese and EU Soft Power: The Credibility Factor

Q3 Social Sciences
Olivier Arifon
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

This paper presents arguments to evaluate soft power as perceived by the European Union (EU) and by China. Since the presentation of Joseph Nye’s concept of soft power, it has become apparent that notions of audience and message reception are important. We will further argue for the relevance of the psychological idea of dissonance. We will compare and contrast soft power discourses for their alignment with reality, and assess them for discrepancy. Ultimately, we will conclude that such contradictions exist and create a “dissonance” or disjunction, which we will explore in relation to the concept of credibility. In the second section, an analysis of China’s soft power serves to highlight the effects of the implementation by a “hard” state, in a centralized and controlled manner, of a soft power policy. We will examine tables in an effort to extend our comparison beyond the discourses perpetuated and promoted by both China and the EU. We will challenge these discourses using indices, including the World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders, the Corruption Perception Index by Transparency International, as well as The Good Country Index, The Soft Power 30, and the World Justice Index, each representing a component of soft power as proposed by Nye, i.e., culture, political values and foreign policy. Additionally, we will closely examine social questions to better develop our understanding of soft power policy. Results indicate that while credibility appears more important to China than to the EU, it is, nonetheless, a central tenet for both parties. The third section takes a comparative approach to its discussion of the normative power of European and Chinese soft power. It reveals contradictions within the policies of both political bodies, and simultaneously draws two conclusions. First, that a “cultural fool” does not exist, i.e., individuals are able to decipher and understand messages. Secondly, that individuals attribute credibility or unreliability to policy messages framed by a state, an organization, or the media.
中欧软实力比较:可信度因素
本文提出了评估欧盟和中国所认为的软实力的论点。自从约瑟夫·奈(Joseph Nye)提出软实力概念以来,受众和信息接收的概念变得越来越重要。我们将进一步论证心理失调概念的相关性。我们将比较和对比软实力话语与现实的一致性,并评估它们的差异。最终,我们将得出结论,这种矛盾是存在的,并创造了一种“不和谐”或脱节,我们将探讨与可信度概念相关的问题。在第二部分,对中国软实力的分析有助于突出“硬”国家以集中和控制的方式实施软实力政策的效果。我们将检查表格,以努力将我们的比较扩展到中国和欧盟长期存在和推动的话语之外。我们将使用指数来挑战这些话语,包括无国界记者组织的世界新闻自由指数,透明国际组织的腐败感知指数,以及好国家指数,软实力30和世界正义指数,每个指数都代表了奈提出的软实力的一个组成部分,即文化,政治价值观和外交政策。此外,我们将仔细研究社会问题,以更好地发展我们对软实力政策的理解。结果表明,尽管可信度对中国比对欧盟更重要,但它仍然是双方的核心原则。第三部分对欧洲和中国软实力的规范性权力进行了比较分析。它揭示了两个政治机构政策内部的矛盾,同时得出了两个结论。首先,不存在“文化傻瓜”,即个人能够破译和理解信息。其次,个人将可信度或不可靠性归因于国家、组织或媒体制定的政策信息。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Languages Cultures Mediation
Languages Cultures Mediation Arts and Humanities-Language and Linguistics
CiteScore
0.30
自引率
0.00%
发文量
21
审稿时长
20 weeks
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