Individual success, collective failure?

Q3 Arts and Humanities
J. Durst, Ákos Huszár
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Public dialogue about social mobility in many countries has recently been dominated by the myth of meritocracy and uses a neo-liberal vocabulary of aspiration, ambition, and choice, considering mobility as an individual project of self-advancement involving moving up in the social hierarchy (Lawler & Payne, 2018; Friedman & Laurison, 2020). Meritocracy suggests that whatever your social position at birth, society ought to offer enough opportunity and mobility for ‘talent’, when combined with ‘effort’, to ‘rise to the top’. This idea is one of the most prevalent social and cultural tropes of our time (Littler, 2017). In this discourse, social mobility is the new panacea for wider historic and social ills, and the answer to the increase in classed and racialised inequalities. This special issue aims to challenge this widespread public and political discourse by deploying the sociological perspectives of social mobility and asking how (upward but also downward) mobility works, how fluid our contemporary societies are, what mobility means for those experiencing it, and what the social implications are of ‘individual […] success at the cost of collective failure’ (Reay, 2018). As an educational sociologist and academic with a working-class background, Diane Reay (2013) argues that ‘[a]t the collective level, social mobility is no solution to either educational inequalities or wider social and economic injustices. But at the individual level it is also an inadequate solution, particularly for those of us whose social mobility was driven by a desire to “put things right” and “make things better” for the communities we came from and the people we left behind.’ (Reay, 2013, p. 674). The papers in this issue are testimony to the theoretical stance that upward social mobility cannot be seen as an individual project but needs to be understood and analysed in the wider context of social inequalities (among others, Lawler & Payne, 2018; Friedman & Laurison, 2020; Bukodi & Goldthorpe, 2019). The authors tackle the topic of social mobility from two perspectives. The first group of the research papers measure and analyse social mobility processes using the conventional occupation and education indexes and the not-so-conventional ‘soft’ variables of the intergenerational transmission of parental capital(s) on mobility outcomes. Beyond these mainstream mobility studies, the second group of articles consists of ‘marginal research’ (Lawler & Payne, 2018), or small-scale investigations that provide readers with insights into how upwardly and downwardly mobile people experience mobility when they have to travel through social spaces, leaving behind one class and adjusting to life in another.
个人成功,集体失败?
在许多国家,关于社会流动性的公共对话最近一直被精英主义的神话所主导,并使用新自由主义的愿望、雄心和选择词汇,将流动性视为一种自我进步的个人项目,涉及在社会等级中向上移动(Lawler & Payne, 2018;Friedman & Laurison, 2020)。精英主义认为,无论你出生时的社会地位如何,社会都应该为“才能”和“努力”提供足够的机会和流动性,让他们“升到最高层”。这个想法是我们这个时代最普遍的社会和文化比喻之一(利特勒,2017)。在这种论述中,社会流动性是解决更广泛的历史和社会弊病的新灵丹妙药,也是解决阶级和种族不平等加剧的答案。本期特刊旨在挑战这种广泛的公共和政治话语,通过部署社会流动性的社会学视角,并询问(向上和向下)流动性是如何运作的,我们的当代社会是如何流动的,流动性对那些经历它的人意味着什么,以及“以集体失败为代价的个人[…]成功”的社会含义是什么(Reay, 2018)。作为一名具有工人阶级背景的教育社会学家和学者,Diane Reay(2013)认为,“在集体层面上,社会流动性既不能解决教育不平等问题,也不能解决更广泛的社会和经济不公正问题。”但在个人层面上,这也是一个不充分的解决方案,尤其是对我们这些社会流动性受到“把事情做好”和“让事情变得更好”的愿望驱动的人来说,我们来自的社区和我们身后的人。(Reay, 2013, p. 674)。本期的论文证明了这样一种理论立场,即向上的社会流动不能被视为一个个人项目,而是需要在更广泛的社会不平等背景下进行理解和分析(其中包括Lawler & Payne, 2018;Friedman & Laurison, 2020;Bukodi & Goldthorpe, 2019)。作者从两个角度探讨了社会流动性的问题。第一组研究论文使用传统的职业和教育指数以及父母资本代际传递对流动结果的不那么传统的“软”变量来衡量和分析社会流动过程。除了这些主流的流动性研究之外,第二组文章包括“边缘研究”(Lawler & Payne, 2018),或者是小规模的调查,这些调查为读者提供了关于向上和向下流动的人在不得不穿越社会空间、离开一个阶级、适应另一个阶级的生活时是如何经历流动性的见解。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Intersections
Intersections Arts and Humanities-Literature and Literary Theory
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
4
审稿时长
20 weeks
期刊介绍: Intersections is a peer-reviewed series on interdisciplinary topics in early modern studies. Contributions may come from any of the disciplines within the humanities, such as history, art history, literary history, book history, church history, social history, cultural history, and history of ideas. Each volume focuses on a single theme and consists of essays that explore new perspectives on the subject of study. The series aims to open up new areas of research on early modern culture and to address issues of interest to a wide range of disciplines.
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