Cooperation Between the USSR and Nicaragua in the Conditions of the Sandinista Revolution

A. Baranov
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Abstract

The article defines the preconditions and main directions of cooperation between the USSR and Nicaragua in the conditions of the Sandinista revolution in 1979–1990. The topic of the article is relevant for studies of Soviet foreign policy in Latin America in economic, military, ideological and socio-cultural aspects, and it also allows to identify the prerequisites for the return to cooperation between the Russian Federation and Nicaragua in the post-Soviet period of history. The article applies the paradigm of neorealism in international studies, which makes it possible to determine the resources of influence, interests and institutional framework of the USSR’s foreign policy towards Nicaragua, to compare the declared and real tasks of foreign policy. Comparative-historical and structural-functional methods are used.The course of the Soviet foreign policy towards revolutionary Nicaragua had both geopolitical and ideological motivations. Nicaragua was a promising springboard for the establishment of revolutionary regimes in other countries of Central America. The country also occupied a key position for the construction of an inter-oceanic canal, an alternative to the Panama Canal. In Soviet literature of the 1980s the Sandinista revolution was seen as national-liberation, anti-imperialist, but not socialist. Soviet experts positively assessed the strategic alliance of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) with the supporters of the revolution among the believers. Sandinism was regarded as an effective, albeit controversial, revolutionary ideology. The periodization of the Soviet foreign policy towards Nicaragua during 1979–1990 is substantiated: the establishment of cooperation relations (1979–1981), the highest point in cooperation (1982–1987), the curtailment of cooperation as the national reconciliation policy (1987–early 1990) was unfolding. The main factor in the dynamics of bilateral relations were the strategic interests of the USSR in Central America, which changed dramatically under the influence of perestroika. The defeat of the FSLN in the 1990 elections was largely the result of the Soviet foreign policy deideologization and the collapse of socialism in the Eastern European countries.
桑地诺革命条件下苏联与尼加拉瓜的合作
本文界定了1979-1990年桑地诺革命时期苏联与尼加拉瓜合作的前提条件和主要方向。这篇文章的主题与研究苏联在拉丁美洲的经济、军事、意识形态和社会文化方面的外交政策有关,也有助于确定俄罗斯联邦和尼加拉瓜在后苏联历史时期恢复合作的先决条件。本文在国际研究中运用了新现实主义的范式,从而有可能确定苏联对尼加拉瓜外交政策的影响资源、利益和体制框架,比较外交政策的公开任务和实际任务。采用比较历史法和结构功能法。苏联对革命的尼加拉瓜采取的外交政策既有地缘政治动机,也有意识形态动机。尼加拉瓜是在中美洲其他国家建立革命政权的一个有希望的跳板。该国还在建设跨洋运河方面占据了关键地位,这是巴拿马运河的替代方案。在20世纪80年代的苏联文学中,桑地诺革命被视为民族解放,反帝国主义,但不是社会主义。苏联专家对桑地诺民族解放阵线(FSLN)与信教者中的革命支持者的战略联盟给予了积极评价。桑地诺主义被认为是一种有效的革命意识形态,尽管存在争议。1979-1990年期间苏联对尼加拉瓜外交政策的分期得到证实:建立合作关系(1979-1981年),合作的最高点(1982-1987年),随着民族和解政策的展开(1987 - 1990年初),合作的减少。双边关系动态的主要因素是苏联在中美洲的战略利益,这种利益在改革的影响下发生了巨大变化。索解阵线在1990年选举中的失败主要是苏联外交政策去意识形态化和东欧国家社会主义崩溃的结果。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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