Power, Gender and the Nation: Negotiations of Belonging in Evelyn Conlon’s Short Story “Park-Going Days”

4区 文学
M. D. Río
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Introduction During the decades following the Civil War, the Government of Ireland devoted itself to reconstructing a nation that had been a colony for several centuries. Aided by a protectionist national policy, the State cultivated its own rigid and uncompromising version of Republican Motherhood based on a self-sacrificing attitude that would put the good of the nation above any personal desire (Valiulis 1995, 2011). That political, economic and ideological process served to revive the old concept of "Mother Ireland" which took a new shape under the dictates of the State and the Catholic Church. Thus, in the central decades of the 20th century, the feminine icons of Mother Church and Mother Ireland were presented as conduct models to follow to the extent that women were "actively interpellated as national subjects through identification with territory, soil, land and landscape" (Gray 1999: 205). In practice, that meant a tough legal and moral control over the Irish population founded on traditional patriarchal values. According to Heather Ingman, "nations construct their identity around fixed concepts of gender" (2007: 3), and Ireland has been no exception as, for too many decades, the social status of women was framed by institutions that oppressed them one way or another. These institutions, identified as family and household structures, and employment and welfare policies, were supported in the 1937 Constitution. More particularly, in terms of employment, by 1926 only 6% of married women were working outside the home and this figure remained low until the 1960s (O'Dowd 1987: 27). Consequently, the vast majority of the married women were economically dependent on their husbands what inevitably had an impact on their personal autonomy and agency. Accordingly, a series of laws designed to seclude women and mothers in the home were passed in the 1920s and 1930s (Steiner-Scott 1997). At the same time, all sorts of violent behaviour were secluded within the walls of the home and socially perceived as domestic affairs. Legal attention to the matter had to wait until 1996 when the Domestic Violence Act was passed. In response to that multi-tiered repressive context, women exerted many forms of negotiation to accomplish some degree of agency. For example, Gray and Ryan (1997), O'Keefe (2013) and Walter (2014) among others, have indicated that the main causes of migration among women were poor labour conditions and dismal social prospects and dissatisfaction or disagreement with certain aspects of Irish society and morality. Unlike other European nations, it all led to a higher rate of female than male migration in the central decades of the 20th century (Walter 2004). Those women who remained in the island were ideologically, economically and socially pushed to become wives-and-mothers. Contrary to this mandate, many of them found ways to contest the norms, as Inglis has summarized: For most of the last century they had (in comparison with other Western societies) the lowest levels of marriage and, correspondingly, the highest levels of bachelors and spinsters. On the other hand, Ireland had [...] the highest level of marital fertility. This meant that those who did get married tended, in comparison with married women in other Western societies, to have a large number of children (2005: 10). A slow turn in the Irish arena for women would start in 1972 with the publication of the First Commission on the Status of Women. A year later, Ireland joined the European Economic Community allowing new opportunities for change. Contextualisation of the social, political and religious elements that frame the short story "Park-Going Days" is essential in order to interpret Conlon's literary portrayal of Irish women, "an often submerged population group within the public life of the nation" (Ingman 2009: 17). The author's political background will also be considered as a relevant element in the framing of women's agency and their multiple forms of inclusion and exclusion. …
权力、性别与国家:伊芙琳·康伦短篇小说《去公园的日子》中的归属谈判
在内战之后的几十年里,爱尔兰政府致力于重建这个几个世纪以来一直是殖民地的国家。在保护主义国家政策的帮助下,该州以自我牺牲的态度培养了自己严格而不妥协的共和党母性,这种态度将国家的利益置于任何个人欲望之上(Valiulis 1995,2011)。这一政治、经济和意识形态进程有助于恢复“爱尔兰母亲”的旧概念,该概念在国家和天主教会的命令下以新的形式出现。因此,在20世纪中期,教会母亲和爱尔兰母亲的女性形象被视为行为模式,以至于女性“通过对领土、土壤、土地和景观的认同,被积极地追问为国家主体”(Gray 1999: 205)。在实践中,这意味着对建立在传统父权价值观基础上的爱尔兰人进行严格的法律和道德控制。根据希瑟·英格曼(Heather Ingman)的说法,“国家围绕着固定的性别概念构建自己的身份”(2007:3),爱尔兰也不例外,因为几十年来,妇女的社会地位是由以这样或那样的方式压迫她们的制度所框定的。这些机构,即家庭和家庭结构,以及就业和福利政策,在1937年的《宪法》中得到支持。更具体地说,在就业方面,到1926年,只有6%的已婚妇女在家庭之外工作,这个数字直到20世纪60年代仍然很低(O'Dowd 1987: 27)。因此,绝大多数已婚妇女在经济上依赖她们的丈夫,这不可避免地影响到她们的个人自主权和能动性。因此,20世纪20年代和30年代通过了一系列旨在将妇女和母亲隔离在家中的法律(施泰纳-斯科特,1997年)。与此同时,各种暴力行为都被隔离在家中,被社会视为家庭事务。直到1996年《家庭暴力法》通过后,法律才开始关注这一问题。为了应对这种多层次的压迫环境,妇女运用多种形式的谈判来完成某种程度的代理。例如,Gray和Ryan (1997), O'Keefe(2013)和Walter(2014)等人指出,妇女移民的主要原因是劳动条件恶劣,社会前景黯淡,对爱尔兰社会和道德的某些方面不满或不同意。与其他欧洲国家不同,这一切都导致了20世纪中期女性移民率高于男性移民率(Walter 2004)。那些留在岛上的妇女在思想上、经济上和社会上都被迫成为妻子和母亲。与这一命令相反,他们中的许多人找到了挑战规范的方法,正如英格利斯所总结的那样:在上个世纪的大部分时间里,他们(与其他西方社会相比)的婚姻水平最低,相应地,单身汉和老处女的比例也最高。另一方面,爱尔兰有……婚姻生育的最高水平。这意味着,与其他西方社会的已婚妇女相比,那些结了婚的妇女往往会有很多孩子(2005:10)。1972年,随着《第一届妇女地位委员会》的发表,爱尔兰妇女地位的缓慢转变开始了。一年后,爱尔兰加入了欧洲经济共同体,为变革提供了新的机会。为了解释康伦对爱尔兰女性的文学描写,将构成短篇小说《公园漫步的日子》的社会、政治和宗教因素置于语境中是必不可少的,爱尔兰女性是“一个经常被淹没在国家公共生活中的人口群体”(Ingman 2009: 17)。作者的政治背景也将被视为构成妇女机构及其多种形式的包容和排斥的相关因素。…
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EIGSE-A JOURNAL OF IRISH STUDIES
EIGSE-A JOURNAL OF IRISH STUDIES LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS-
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