Extinct: A Compendium of Obsolete Objects

Michael Punt
{"title":"Extinct: A Compendium of Obsolete Objects","authors":"Michael Punt","doi":"10.1162/leon_r_02347","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"infrastructures, and discourses, that “define what counts as knowledge” (p. 80). An analysis of these elements can thus reveal how knowledge is produced in and through labs—a method they refer to as the “extended lab model” (p. 11). Their description of this method is followed by detailed analyses of several labs, including Thomas Edison’s Menlo Park laboratory, the Media Lab at MIT, and the Media Archaeological Fundus at Humboldt University. This brief list illustrates the range of labs under discussion: corporate labs, labs designed for industrial and academic applications, and labs focused on historical preservation. One of the themes repeated throughout the book is that the increasing number of humanities labs is indicative of broader changes within contemporary academic culture, as “shifts between traditional humanities spaces . . . and science labs can be tracked historically, not only as a particular modern form of hybridity with a very intensive transformation witnessed across the past decades, but as a theoretically and thematically insightful way to read modern institutional change” (p. 32). This trend is often interpreted as a sign of the increasing marginalization of the humanities, which has been fueled in part by a desire for corporate investment. The writers note, for example, that there is “an enormous amount of pressure on universities to instrumentalize education” (p. 136) and that “the fetishization of innovation has done substantial damage to the traditional function of the university as memory institution and producer of citizens rather than employees” (p. 212). However, they also argue that labs have an “enormous potential . . . to change our institutional cultures for the better” (p. 136) and that they “can and should lead to new ways of being a scholar, of training new scholars, and of connecting what happens in the academy to the larger world” (p. 112). Another repeated theme, inspired by Feminist Science Studies (FSS), is that laboratory practices are informed by gender and power relations that determine “who is identified as what kind of subject, and how they are identified” (p. 18). Labs thus operate within disciplinary frameworks that extend to bodies as well as technologies, and one of the clearest examples is the fact that women were historically relegated to home economics labs and excluded from conducting research in science labs. Power relations also inform financing, as organizations like the MIT Media Lab will “never be able to remain unaffected by funding that comes from U.S. tech companies with the same deeply ingrained racial and gender demographics” (p. 160). This problem became particularly evident after it was discovered that the lab had accepted funds from sex trafficker and pedophile Jeffrey Epstein—a decision that reflects “a particularly troubling form of ignorance of the social complexities of race, gender, and other issues” (p. 166). Nevertheless, the writers conclude that their “extended lab model” offers a way of addressing this problem by showing how “architectures and infrastructures delimit what sorts of knowledge and truth claims a lab can produce” and “what sorts of bodies—gendered and racialized, marginalized and dominant—are incorporated in any situation of knowledge” (p. 243). While labs are often exclusionary, in other words, an analysis of their mechanisms of knowledge production can show how changes to practices and policies have the potential to change their underlying power relations. Labs can even be used to facilitate political critique, like the Hyphen-Labs, which are operated by women of color whose practice of “NeuroSpeculative AfroFeminism combines artistic and design practice, engineering skills and playful takes on contemporary realities in installation and VR form” (p. 243). This is just one example that shows how labs can function as oppositional spaces that enable the imagination of alternative possibilities. While The Lab Book may not provide any major contributions to the fields of STS or FSS, it clearly illustrates how the scholarship in these fields can fruitfully be applied to humanities research and it provides a valuable method of analyzing how humanities labs produce knowledge, which will be indispensable to scholars working in this area. Scholars may also take comfort in the writers’ optimistic vision of the future of academic institutions and the power of labs to promote institutional change, although they acknowledge that the kind of hybridity they are promoting can also contribute to “the dismantling of departments and disciplinary priorities” (p. 212). It thus remains to be seen whether humanities labs will be a catalyst of positive change, but this book has presented several inspiring examples of oppositional spaces that will hopefully be the norm rather than the exception.","PeriodicalId":93330,"journal":{"name":"Leonardo (Oxford, England)","volume":"846 1","pages":"213-215"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Leonardo (Oxford, England)","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1162/leon_r_02347","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

infrastructures, and discourses, that “define what counts as knowledge” (p. 80). An analysis of these elements can thus reveal how knowledge is produced in and through labs—a method they refer to as the “extended lab model” (p. 11). Their description of this method is followed by detailed analyses of several labs, including Thomas Edison’s Menlo Park laboratory, the Media Lab at MIT, and the Media Archaeological Fundus at Humboldt University. This brief list illustrates the range of labs under discussion: corporate labs, labs designed for industrial and academic applications, and labs focused on historical preservation. One of the themes repeated throughout the book is that the increasing number of humanities labs is indicative of broader changes within contemporary academic culture, as “shifts between traditional humanities spaces . . . and science labs can be tracked historically, not only as a particular modern form of hybridity with a very intensive transformation witnessed across the past decades, but as a theoretically and thematically insightful way to read modern institutional change” (p. 32). This trend is often interpreted as a sign of the increasing marginalization of the humanities, which has been fueled in part by a desire for corporate investment. The writers note, for example, that there is “an enormous amount of pressure on universities to instrumentalize education” (p. 136) and that “the fetishization of innovation has done substantial damage to the traditional function of the university as memory institution and producer of citizens rather than employees” (p. 212). However, they also argue that labs have an “enormous potential . . . to change our institutional cultures for the better” (p. 136) and that they “can and should lead to new ways of being a scholar, of training new scholars, and of connecting what happens in the academy to the larger world” (p. 112). Another repeated theme, inspired by Feminist Science Studies (FSS), is that laboratory practices are informed by gender and power relations that determine “who is identified as what kind of subject, and how they are identified” (p. 18). Labs thus operate within disciplinary frameworks that extend to bodies as well as technologies, and one of the clearest examples is the fact that women were historically relegated to home economics labs and excluded from conducting research in science labs. Power relations also inform financing, as organizations like the MIT Media Lab will “never be able to remain unaffected by funding that comes from U.S. tech companies with the same deeply ingrained racial and gender demographics” (p. 160). This problem became particularly evident after it was discovered that the lab had accepted funds from sex trafficker and pedophile Jeffrey Epstein—a decision that reflects “a particularly troubling form of ignorance of the social complexities of race, gender, and other issues” (p. 166). Nevertheless, the writers conclude that their “extended lab model” offers a way of addressing this problem by showing how “architectures and infrastructures delimit what sorts of knowledge and truth claims a lab can produce” and “what sorts of bodies—gendered and racialized, marginalized and dominant—are incorporated in any situation of knowledge” (p. 243). While labs are often exclusionary, in other words, an analysis of their mechanisms of knowledge production can show how changes to practices and policies have the potential to change their underlying power relations. Labs can even be used to facilitate political critique, like the Hyphen-Labs, which are operated by women of color whose practice of “NeuroSpeculative AfroFeminism combines artistic and design practice, engineering skills and playful takes on contemporary realities in installation and VR form” (p. 243). This is just one example that shows how labs can function as oppositional spaces that enable the imagination of alternative possibilities. While The Lab Book may not provide any major contributions to the fields of STS or FSS, it clearly illustrates how the scholarship in these fields can fruitfully be applied to humanities research and it provides a valuable method of analyzing how humanities labs produce knowledge, which will be indispensable to scholars working in this area. Scholars may also take comfort in the writers’ optimistic vision of the future of academic institutions and the power of labs to promote institutional change, although they acknowledge that the kind of hybridity they are promoting can also contribute to “the dismantling of departments and disciplinary priorities” (p. 212). It thus remains to be seen whether humanities labs will be a catalyst of positive change, but this book has presented several inspiring examples of oppositional spaces that will hopefully be the norm rather than the exception.
《绝迹:废弃物品汇编》
基础设施和话语“定义了什么是知识”(第80页)。因此,对这些要素的分析可以揭示知识是如何在实验室中以及通过实验室产生的——他们将这种方法称为“扩展实验室模型”(第11页)。他们对这种方法进行了描述,随后对几个实验室进行了详细分析,包括托马斯·爱迪生的门洛帕克实验室、麻省理工学院的媒体实验室和洪堡大学的媒体考古基金会。这个简短的列表说明了讨论中的实验室的范围:企业实验室,为工业和学术应用设计的实验室,以及专注于历史保护的实验室。贯穿全书的主题之一是,人文学科实验室数量的增加表明了当代学术文化中更广泛的变化,因为“传统人文学科空间之间的转变……科学实验室可以被历史地追踪,不仅作为一种特殊的现代混合形式,在过去几十年里见证了非常密集的转变,而且作为一种理论上和主题上深刻的方式来解读现代制度变革”(第32页)。这一趋势通常被解读为人文学科日益边缘化的迹象,这在一定程度上是由企业投资的欲望推动的。例如,作者指出,“大学面临着将教育工具化的巨大压力”(第136页),“对创新的崇拜已经对大学作为记忆机构和公民的生产者而不是雇员的传统功能造成了实质性的损害”(第212页)。然而,他们也认为实验室有“巨大的潜力……为了更好地改变我们的制度文化”(第136页),并且它们“能够而且应该导致成为学者的新方式,培养新的学者,并将学术界发生的事情与更大的世界联系起来”(第112页)。受女权主义科学研究(FSS)启发,另一个反复出现的主题是,实验室实践受到性别和权力关系的影响,这些关系决定了“谁被认定为什么样的主体,以及他们如何被认定”(第18页)。因此,实验室在学科框架内运作,延伸到身体和技术,最明显的例子之一是,女性历史上被降级到家政学实验室,被排除在科学实验室进行研究。权力关系也会影响融资,因为像麻省理工学院媒体实验室这样的组织“永远无法不受来自美国科技公司的资金的影响,这些公司有着同样根深蒂固的种族和性别特征”(第160页)。在发现实验室接受了性贩子和恋童癖者杰弗里·爱泼斯坦的资金后,这个问题变得尤为明显——这个决定反映了“对种族、性别和其他问题的社会复杂性的一种特别令人不安的无知”(第166页)。然而,作者得出结论,他们的“扩展实验室模型”提供了一种解决这个问题的方法,展示了“架构和基础设施如何界定了实验室可以产生的知识和真理主张的类型”,以及“在任何知识情境中,什么样的身体——性别化的和种族化的,边缘化的和占主导地位的——被纳入”(第243页)。换句话说,虽然实验室经常是排他性的,但对其知识生产机制的分析可以显示实践和政策的变化如何有可能改变其潜在的权力关系。实验室甚至可以用来促进政治批评,比如由有色人种女性经营的“神经思辨的非洲女性主义”(NeuroSpeculative affrofeminism),她们的实践“以装置和虚拟现实的形式,将艺术和设计实践、工程技能和对当代现实的有趣理解结合起来”(第243页)。这只是一个例子,展示了实验室如何作为对立空间发挥作用,使人们能够想象出不同的可能性。虽然《实验室书》可能对STS或FSS领域没有任何重大贡献,但它清楚地说明了这些领域的学术成果如何能够有效地应用于人文科学研究,并提供了一种分析人文实验室如何产生知识的宝贵方法,这对从事这一领域工作的学者来说是不可或缺的。学者们也可以从作者对学术机构的未来和实验室促进制度变革的力量的乐观展望中得到安慰,尽管他们承认,他们所提倡的这种混合也会导致“部门和学科优先级的解体”(第212页)。因此,人文实验室是否会成为积极变化的催化剂还有待观察,但这本书提出了几个鼓舞人心的对立空间的例子,希望它们能成为常态,而不是例外。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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