The Rise and Decline of Electoral Authoritarianism in Russia

Q2 Social Sciences
V. Gel’man
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引用次数: 26

Abstract

By the 2010s, almost nobody used the term "democracy" when referring to Russia, and debates among experts were mostly focused on how far the country deviated from democratic standards.1 While "pessimists" wrote of the consolidation of an authoritarian regime in Russia,2 "optimists" avoided such firm claims, focusing instead on the low level of repression by Russia's political regime3 or labeling it as a "hybrid" due to the presence of some democratic institutions.4 To some extent, these terminological controversies reflected conceptual problems in the study of regimes globally.5 But, beyond that, most scholars agree that Russian politics under Vladimir Putin has been marked by such pathologies as outrageously unfair and fraudulent elections, the coexistence of weak and impotent political parties with a dominant "party of power," a heavily censored (often self-censored) media, rubber-stamping legislatures at the national and sub-national levels, politically subordinated courts, arbitrary use of the economic powers of the state, and widespread corruption.In this article, I attempt to explain the logic of the emergence and development of Russia's current political regime, identify its major features and peculiarities, reconsider its institutional foundations and mechanisms of enforcement, analyze the trajectory of the regime's "life cycle," and reflect on possible trajectories for future evolution.Electoral Authoritarianism: Why?If one placed post-communist Russia on the world map of political regimes, it would fit into the category of "electoral" or "competitive" authoritarianism.6 These regimes, although authoritarian, incorporate elections that are meaningful, and stand in contrast to "classical" versions of authoritarianism, which are known for their "elections without choice."7 However, in electoral or competitive authoritarianism, and in contrast to electoral democracies, elections are marked by an uneven playing field based on: formal and informal rules that construct prohibitively high barriers to participation; sharply unequal access of competitors to financial and media resources; abuses of power by the state apparatus for the sake of maximizing incumbent votes; and multiple instances of electoral fraud. The uneven playing field serves as a defining distinction between electoral authoritarianism and electoral democracy.Recently, there has been a proliferation of electoral authoritarian regimes as a result of two different, although not mutually exclusive, forces. First, regular elections under tightly controlled party competition allows rulers of authoritarian regimes to effectively monitor their country's elites, the state apparatus, and the citizenry, thus averting risks of the regime's sudden collapse due to domestic political conflicts.8 Second, autocrats across the globe hold elections as a means of legitimizing the status quo in the eyes of both domestic and international actors.9 However, such elections have become a crucial test of survival for electoral authoritarian regimes: rulers must not only defeat their challengers in unfair elections, but also persuade both domestic and foreign audiences to acknowledge such victories and to mute criticisms about electoral unfairness. Although many electoral authoritarian regimes resolved these tasks more or less successfully, post-electoral protests following unfair elections could often become challenges to regime survival, as the experience of the "color revolutions" in post-communist states and the "Arab Spring" demonstrates.The variation in longevity among electoral authoritarian regimes raises an important question: Why do some electoral authoritarian regimes persist for decades in some countries (as in Mexico under the Institutional Revolutionary Party or in Egypt until the Arab Spring), while in other states electoral authoritarianism proved either to be a temporary developmental stage in the wake of democratization (e.g., Serbia), or to result in the replacement of one electoral authoritarian regime with another (as in Ukraine before and after the "Orange Revolution")? …
俄罗斯选举威权主义的兴衰
到了2010年代,几乎没有人在提到俄罗斯时使用“民主”这个词,专家们的辩论主要集中在这个国家偏离民主标准的程度上虽然“悲观主义者”认为俄罗斯的独裁政权正在巩固,但“乐观主义者”却避免了这种坚定的说法,而是将注意力集中在俄罗斯政治政权的低镇压程度上,或者由于一些民主机构的存在而将其称为“混合型”在某种程度上,这些术语争议反映了全球制度研究中的概念问题但除此之外,大多数学者都认为,在弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)的领导下,俄罗斯政治的特点是选举极不公平和欺诈,软弱无能的政党与占主导地位的“权力党”共存,媒体受到严格审查(通常是自我审查),国家和地方各级立法机构橡皮图章,政治上从属的法院,任意使用国家经济权力,以及普遍腐败。在本文中,我试图解释俄罗斯当前政治制度产生和发展的逻辑,识别其主要特征和特点,重新考虑其制度基础和执行机制,分析政权“生命周期”的轨迹,并反思未来演变的可能轨迹。选举威权主义:为什么?如果把后共产主义时代的俄罗斯放在世界政治体制的地图上,它将属于“选举”或“竞争”威权主义的范畴这些政权虽然是专制的,但也纳入了有意义的选举,与以“没有选择的选举”著称的“经典”威权主义形成鲜明对比。7 .然而,在选举或竞争性威权主义中,与选举民主相比,选举的特点是不公平的竞争环境,其基础是:正式和非正式规则对参与构成了令人望而却步的高障碍;竞争者对金融和媒体资源的获取极不平等;国家机器为了最大化在职者的选票而滥用权力;以及多起选举舞弊事件。不公平的竞争环境是选举威权主义和选举民主之间的决定性区别。最近,由于两种不同(尽管并非相互排斥)的力量,选举专制政权激增。首先,在严格控制的政党竞争下进行定期选举,使专制政权的统治者能够有效地监督其国家的精英、国家机器和公民,从而避免因国内政治冲突而导致政权突然崩溃的风险其次,全球各地的独裁者举行选举,作为在国内和国际行动者眼中使现状合法化的一种手段然而,这样的选举已经成为选举专制政权生存的关键考验:统治者不仅要在不公平的选举中击败挑战者,还要说服国内外观众承认这些胜利,并平息对选举不公平的批评。尽管许多选举专制政权或多或少成功地解决了这些任务,但不公平选举后的选举抗议活动往往会成为政权生存的挑战,正如后共产主义国家的“颜色革命”和“阿拉伯之春”的经验所表明的那样。选举专制政权寿命的差异提出了一个重要问题:为什么一些选举专制政权在一些国家持续了几十年(如墨西哥在制度革命党统治下或埃及在阿拉伯之春之前),而在其他国家,选举专制被证明要么是民主化之后的一个暂时的发展阶段(如塞尔维亚),要么导致一个选举专制政权被另一个选举专制政权所取代(如乌克兰在“橙色革命”之前和之后)?…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Demokratizatsiya
Demokratizatsiya Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: Occupying a unique niche among literary journals, ANQ is filled with short, incisive research-based articles about the literature of the English-speaking world and the language of literature. Contributors unravel obscure allusions, explain sources and analogues, and supply variant manuscript readings. Also included are Old English word studies, textual emendations, and rare correspondence from neglected archives. The journal is an essential source for professors and students, as well as archivists, bibliographers, biographers, editors, lexicographers, and textual scholars. With subjects from Chaucer and Milton to Fitzgerald and Welty, ANQ delves into the heart of literature.
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