From dative to accusative. An ongoing syntactic change in Romance

Pub Date : 2020-04-21 DOI:10.1515/probus-2019-0001
Anna Pineda
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引用次数: 10

Abstract

Abstract In several Romance languages, including Catalan, Spanish, Asturian and Neapolitan, several verbs (‘phone’, ‘answer’, ‘shoot’, ‘rob’, among others) can take a dative- or accusative-marked complement. I argue that this alternation is indeed a transition from dative to accusative; that is, it is a process of syntactic change, with different stages of evolution depending on the dialectal or even idiolectal variety. The relevant verbs, being a priori dative-taking intransitive verbs, are analyzed as unergatives, made up of a light verb and a nominal, ‘phone= do+phone call’. When the complement ‘to somebody’ is added, a ditransitive structure is obtained, where I assume that the direct (‘phone call’) and the indirect (‘to somebody’) objects are related via an applicative head. The properties of this functional applicative head allow me to explain the change from dative to accusative case in the first stages of syntactic change. Likewise, I show that the completion of the syntactic change results in a true transitivization of the structure.
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从格格变成宾格。罗曼语中正在进行的句法变化
在包括加泰罗尼亚语、西班牙语、阿斯图里亚语和那不勒斯语在内的几种罗曼语中,有几个动词(“phone”、“answer”、“shoot”、“rob”等)可以用与格或宾格标记的补语。我认为这种交替确实是从格格到宾格的过渡;也就是说,它是一个句法变化的过程,根据方言甚至方言的变化而有不同的演变阶段。相关动词是一个先验的不及物动词,由一个轻动词和一个名义动词“phone= do+phone call”组成,作为非否定动词进行分析。当补语“to somebody”被加入时,就得到了一个及物结构,在这个结构中,我假设直接对象(“phone call”)和间接对象(“to somebody”)是通过一个应用头联系在一起的。这个功能性应用头的特性使我能够解释在句法变化的第一阶段从格格到宾格的变化。同样地,我表明句法变化的完成导致了结构的真正及物化。
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