The [̶T̶a̶k̶i̶n̶g̶s̶] Keepings Clause: An Analysis of Framing Effects from Labeling Constitutional Rights

Donald J. Kochan
{"title":"The [̶T̶a̶k̶i̶n̶g̶s̶] Keepings Clause: An Analysis of Framing Effects from Labeling Constitutional Rights","authors":"Donald J. Kochan","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3018289","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Did you know that the “Takings Clause” was not called the “Takings Clause” by any court before 1955? That was the first time that any court of any jurisdiction referred to the provisions regarding takings of private property in either the federal or state constitutions under the label “Taking Clause.” Did you know that justices of the U.S. Supreme Court did not use that moniker “Taking Clause” in any opinion before 1978? Given this history, the phrase “takings clause,” whether an apt descriptor or not, certainly cannot be justified as the dominant way to refer to these provisions by contemporaneous usage at the Founding nor by the weight of time. This Article gathers and analyzes originally compiled data sets on the usage of labels for this provision across time in court opinions, scholarship, and elsewhere. Acknowledging the fact that the label “takings clause” is of relatively modern invention, this Article questions its reign and evaluates the impact of such a “frame” for the rights protected. \n \nWhen framing what is supposed to be a constitutional protection by reference in its label to the power controlled, rather than the right granted, the rights’ component of the provision is diminished. For example, we do not label the rights to freedom of speech or press in the First Amendment as the “Censorship Clauses.” We call them — quite appropriately with deference to the rights and with a presumption against their infringement — the “Free Speech” and “Free Press” clauses. This Article posits that the provisions regarding eminent domain are really about respecting means by which individuals can protect their right to keep property, against a backdrop where individual owners normally retain a right to refuse to sell property. As such, it wonders whether “The Keepings Clause” might be a better alternative label. In the process, the Article applies interdisciplinary insights regarding the power of “framing,” informing our understanding of law in new ways from the fields of psychology, linguistics (including semiotics and cognitive linguistics), and the study of consumer products labeling in marketing and advertising. (That last category is particularly unique; strikingly little scholarship exists applying the expertise of marketing scholars to understand law and legal institutions.) \n \nHow we frame something affects our impressions of it, our expectations toward it, and our concept of its boundaries and scope. When we frame something in terms of power — like the Takings Clause — we provide greater legitimacy for that power and its exercise and we are likely to tolerate more of it across a wider scope. Conversely, when we frame something in terms of the rights protection — like with the “Keepings Clause” — the presumption begins with an expectation of keeping and erects a higher bar for a deviation from that position. Anyone who cares about constitutional rights will find transferable lessons in the work. Seeing how framing operates with the property protections regarding eminent domain in the Fifth Amendment provides lessons on how framing choices for other constitutional rights might affect how those rights are perceived and what level of protection for them is demanded.","PeriodicalId":81266,"journal":{"name":"Florida State University law review. Florida State University. College of Law","volume":"1 1","pages":"1021"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2017-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Florida State University law review. Florida State University. College of Law","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3018289","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2

Abstract

Did you know that the “Takings Clause” was not called the “Takings Clause” by any court before 1955? That was the first time that any court of any jurisdiction referred to the provisions regarding takings of private property in either the federal or state constitutions under the label “Taking Clause.” Did you know that justices of the U.S. Supreme Court did not use that moniker “Taking Clause” in any opinion before 1978? Given this history, the phrase “takings clause,” whether an apt descriptor or not, certainly cannot be justified as the dominant way to refer to these provisions by contemporaneous usage at the Founding nor by the weight of time. This Article gathers and analyzes originally compiled data sets on the usage of labels for this provision across time in court opinions, scholarship, and elsewhere. Acknowledging the fact that the label “takings clause” is of relatively modern invention, this Article questions its reign and evaluates the impact of such a “frame” for the rights protected. When framing what is supposed to be a constitutional protection by reference in its label to the power controlled, rather than the right granted, the rights’ component of the provision is diminished. For example, we do not label the rights to freedom of speech or press in the First Amendment as the “Censorship Clauses.” We call them — quite appropriately with deference to the rights and with a presumption against their infringement — the “Free Speech” and “Free Press” clauses. This Article posits that the provisions regarding eminent domain are really about respecting means by which individuals can protect their right to keep property, against a backdrop where individual owners normally retain a right to refuse to sell property. As such, it wonders whether “The Keepings Clause” might be a better alternative label. In the process, the Article applies interdisciplinary insights regarding the power of “framing,” informing our understanding of law in new ways from the fields of psychology, linguistics (including semiotics and cognitive linguistics), and the study of consumer products labeling in marketing and advertising. (That last category is particularly unique; strikingly little scholarship exists applying the expertise of marketing scholars to understand law and legal institutions.) How we frame something affects our impressions of it, our expectations toward it, and our concept of its boundaries and scope. When we frame something in terms of power — like the Takings Clause — we provide greater legitimacy for that power and its exercise and we are likely to tolerate more of it across a wider scope. Conversely, when we frame something in terms of the rights protection — like with the “Keepings Clause” — the presumption begins with an expectation of keeping and erects a higher bar for a deviation from that position. Anyone who cares about constitutional rights will find transferable lessons in the work. Seeing how framing operates with the property protections regarding eminent domain in the Fifth Amendment provides lessons on how framing choices for other constitutional rights might affect how those rights are perceived and what level of protection for them is demanded.
[_ T _ a _ k _ i _ n _ g _ s]保留条款:从标签宪法权利的框架效应分析
你知道在1955年以前,任何法院都不称“征收条款”为“征收条款”吗?这是任何司法管辖区的任何法院第一次在联邦或州宪法中以“征用条款”的名义提及有关征用私有财产的条款。你知道在1978年之前,美国最高法院的法官们在任何意见中都没有使用过“接受条款”这个绰号吗?鉴于这段历史,无论“征用条款”一词是否恰当,从建国时的同一时期的用法来看,或者从时间的重要性来看,都肯定不能证明它是指这些条款的主要方式。本文收集并分析了在法庭意见、学术研究和其他地方对这一条款的标签使用情况的原始汇编数据集。承认“征收条款”这一标签是相对现代的发明,本文质疑其统治地位,并评估这一“框架”对受保护权利的影响。当将所谓的宪法保护的标签与被控制的权力而不是被授予的权利联系起来时,该条款的权利组成部分就被削弱了。例如,我们没有将第一修正案中的言论或出版自由权利标记为“审查条款”。我们称它们为“言论自由”和“出版自由”条款——出于对权利的尊重和对侵犯权利的推定,这是相当恰当的。本文认为,在个人所有者通常保留拒绝出售财产的权利的背景下,有关征用权的规定实际上是关于尊重个人保护其财产所有权的手段。因此,它想知道“保留条款”是否可能是一个更好的替代标签。在此过程中,本文运用跨学科的见解,关于“框架”的力量,从心理学、语言学(包括符号学和认知语言学)和营销和广告中消费品标签的研究领域,以新的方式告知我们对法律的理解。(最后一类尤其独特;运用营销学者的专业知识来理解法律和法律制度的学术研究少之又少。)我们构建事物的方式会影响我们对它的印象、对它的期望,以及对它的边界和范围的概念。当我们用权力来定义某些东西时——比如征收条款——我们就为这种权力及其行使提供了更大的合法性,我们可能会在更大的范围内容忍更多的权力。相反,当我们从权利保护的角度来定义某件事时——比如“保留条款”——这种推定始于对保留的期望,并为偏离这一立场树立了更高的标准。任何关心宪法权利的人都会在这项工作中找到可转移的教训。看到框架是如何与第五修正案中关于征用权的财产保护一起运作的,我们就可以了解其他宪法权利的框架选择如何影响对这些权利的看法以及对它们的保护程度的要求。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术官方微信
小红书