Murder in the Garment District: The Grip of Organized Crime and the Decline of Labor in the United States by David Witwer and Catherine Rios (review)

IF 0.3 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR
D. Haverty-Stacke
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Abstract

Labor: Studies in Working-Class History, Volume 19, Issue 3 © 2022 by Labor and Working-Class History Association broader narrative of entitlement. The crux of Trollinger’s argument is that, well before the Great Depression, workers in settlement houses located in immigrant workingclass neighborhoods of Chicago had come to the conclusion that “unemployment was an unavoidable side effect of the American economic system, one that industrial and political leaders had thus far not dealt with” (30). As a result, they believed that “relief was the right (albeit temporary) of men victimized by industrial confusion,” and proposed reforms to poor relief systems (substituting cash relief for grocery orders, allowing relief to be spent on rent) and adoption of unemployment insurance as a matter of “workers’ right” (23, 76, 91). Thus, when the New Deal arrived on the scene, it found a social movement of settlement workers and their clients already primed to put their weight behind (and pressure) FERA and the Social Security Administration. Where Trollinger somewhat overextends her argument is presenting this narrative of entitlement as unique to settlement workers. In Public Relief (1940), former FERA and Works Progress Administration (WPA) staffer Josephine Brown wrote about a new “democratic philosophy of relief” animating professional social workers from the 1920s on that similarly centered around the idea that unemployment was not a personal failing but a systemic flaw in the economy and that unemployed workers were entitled to government support (especially in the direct provision of jobs). This spirit, Brown argued, animated not only local relief officers but also FERA, Civil Works Administration, and WPA administrators under Roosevelt. Likewise, James J. Lorence’s and Chad Allen Goldberg’s work on unemployed workers’ groups in the Great Depression has found evidence of similar ideological shifts inspired by Popular Front groups not affiliated with settlement workers. Trollinger’s work would seem to be a valuable addition to the literature on how a shift in thinking on entitlement swept through many different groups during the Great Depression.
《服装区的谋杀:美国有组织犯罪的控制和劳动力的衰退》,作者:大卫·维特尔、凯瑟琳·里奥斯
劳动:工人阶级历史研究,第19卷,第3期©2022,由劳动和工人阶级历史协会更广泛的权利叙事。特罗林格论证的关键在于,早在大萧条之前,居住在芝加哥移民工人阶级社区的工人们就已经得出了这样的结论:“失业是美国经济体系不可避免的副作用,是工业和政治领导人迄今为止没有处理过的问题”(30)。因此,他们认为“救济是工业混乱受害者的权利(尽管是暂时的)”,并建议改革贫困救济制度(以现金救济代替杂货订单,允许救济用于租金),并采用失业保险作为“工人的权利”(23,76,91)。因此,当新政到来时,它发现一场由安置工人和他们的客户组成的社会运动已经准备好支持(和施压)联邦资源管理局和社会保障局。特罗林格把这种权利叙述作为安置工人独有的,这在某种程度上夸大了她的论点。在1940年出版的《公共救济》一书中,前联邦经济评估局和公共事业振兴署(WPA)职员约瑟芬·布朗(Josephine Brown)写了一种新的“民主救济哲学”,激励了20世纪20年代的专业社会工作者,这种哲学同样围绕着失业不是个人失败,而是经济中的系统性缺陷这一观点,失业工人有权得到政府的支持(特别是直接提供工作)。布朗认为,这种精神不仅鼓舞了当地的救灾官员,也鼓舞了罗斯福领导下的联邦资源管理局、土木工程管理局和水利工程管理局的官员。同样,詹姆斯·j·劳伦斯和查德·艾伦·戈德堡对大萧条时期失业工人团体的研究也发现了类似的意识形态转变的证据,这些转变是由与定居工人无关的人民阵线组织激发的。特罗林格的工作似乎是对大萧条时期许多不同群体对权利观念转变的文献的宝贵补充。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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CiteScore
0.30
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