The educated eye: visual culture and pedagogy in the life sciences

IF 0.5 Q4 COMMUNICATION
S. Maier
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Abstract

arguable. Two other examples illustrate this point. First, the debates over emergency contraception. EC advocates argued it would decrease the need for abortion and was used only as a last resort. These arguments made sense as a way to appeal to the opposition, but at what cost? Fixmer-Oraiz explains why this is a problematic argument strategy because it “acquiesce[s] to increasingly mainstream conservative values. Put another way, in lieu of a political defense of reproductive justice in all of its forms, the science marshaled on behalf of EC access bolsters antiabortion sentiment as both reasonable and mainstream” (103). Thus: “The behind-the-counter ruling that rendered EC accessible only through a convoluted chain of command was, in many ways, the logical outgrowth of the conservative rhetoric framing that anchored EC in mainstream imaginaries” (109). Rhetorical justifications delimit policy outcomes and possibilities. Second, the response to Suleman’s octuplets. The policies made thinkable were circumscribed by a rhetoric of homeland maternity that seeks to mitigate the risk of unruly bodies, the “risky maternal body–one imagined to parent against the norms and interests of the nation” (74). Fixmer-Oraiz concludes, “Existing scholarship is written largely from legal perspectives, responding to calls for regulation and industry reform, with little consideration afforded the communicative and cultural forces that fueled such calls for reform” (61). Instead of being able to think expansively about the reproductive needs of pregnant and parenting people, the focus was on controlling those bodies. I have long followed public policy debates over reproductive health care. FixmerOraiz’s conclusions should not have surprised me and the examples should not have horrified me. But they did. The ways in which poor people and people of color are disciplined made profoundly clear the cruelty visited upon their bodies. The perniciousness is explained not just by theories of gender/sex, but also by the fact that a despicable discourse of homeland security seeps into the public debates over reproductive policy.
受过教育的眼睛:生命科学中的视觉文化与教育学
有争议的。另外两个例子说明了这一点。首先是关于紧急避孕的争论。欧共体的支持者认为,这将减少对堕胎的需求,只能作为最后的手段使用。作为吸引反对派的一种方式,这些论点是有道理的,但代价是什么?Fixmer-Oraiz解释了为什么这是一个有问题的争论策略,因为它“默认了日益主流的保守价值观。”换句话说,代替所有形式的生殖正义的政治辩护,代表EC准入的科学组织支持反堕胎情绪,既是合理的,也是主流的。”(103)因此:“在许多方面,使欧共体只能通过错综复杂的命令链才能进入的幕后裁决是保守修辞框架的逻辑产物,这种修辞框架将欧共体锚定在主流想象中”(109)。修辞上的辩解限定了政策的结果和可能性。第二,对苏莱曼八联体的回应。这些可以想象的政策被一种“祖国母性”的修辞所限制,这种修辞试图减轻不守规矩的身体的风险,即“危险的母性身体——被想象为违背国家规范和利益的父母”(74)。Fixmer-Oraiz总结道:“现有的学术研究主要是从法律的角度出发,回应监管和行业改革的呼声,很少考虑推动这种改革呼声的交流和文化力量”(61)。而不是能够广泛地考虑怀孕和养育的人的生殖需求,重点是控制这些身体。长期以来,我一直关注有关生殖健康保健的公共政策辩论。FixmerOraiz的结论不应该让我感到惊讶,这些例子也不应该让我感到恐惧。但他们做到了。穷人和有色人种受到纪律处分的方式深刻地表明了他们身上的残酷。这种危害不仅可以用性别理论来解释,还可以用一个关于国土安全的卑鄙话语渗透到有关生育政策的公共辩论中来解释。
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CiteScore
0.70
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