A Picture is Worth 898 Words: Changing Agricultural Landscapes of the Dakotas

Chris Laingen
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What most Americans fail to realize is that there are multitudes of socio-economic and socio-ecological forces that work together at multiple spatial and temporal scales driving these transformations. Without direct ties to agriculture, many people decry the transition from general farming practices to more corporatist and monocultural practices. Most fail to see their own complicity in this transition. Who among us hasn't recently eaten a hamburger, filled his or her car's tank with gas, enjoyed a carbonated soft drink, or in one way or another purchased and consumed one of the thousands of other products made from the corn-soy dominated agricultural landscape?</p><p>One change happening on the rural landscape can be observed in the James River Valley of North and South Dakota (Figure 2). As our insatiable (global) appetite for <i>Zea mays</i> (corn) and <i>Glycine</i> max (soy) continues to increase, this region's agricultural landscape is being quietly transformed.</p><p>The James River originates in Wells County North Dakota, and winds its way gently 710 miles south to just east of Yankton, South Dakota, where it meets the Missouri River. Known as the “unnavigable river” to early Dakota Indian tribes, its meager 700 foot drop in elevation creates a multitude of meanders and a slow rate of discharge, which creates – more in some years than others – difficulty in finding water deep enough to paddle a canoe. The southern portion of the James River Valley has long been entrenched in Corn Belt agriculture. For decades, counties from Sanborn County, SD south to the Missouri River have planted nearly 30% of their cropland to corn. Evidence of this early Corn Belt status can be seen in Mitchell, SD – home to the Corn Palace and the Mitchell High School Kernels, whose mascot, a supersized ear of corn named Cornelius, intimidates rival schools from around the region.</p><p>But just to the north of Mitchell, some major changes are occurring. From LaMoure County, ND south to Spink, these counties have, over the past five decades, seen marked increase in the amount of cropland devoted to growing corn – in some cases by as much as twenty percent. In aggregate terms, this region's agricultural landscape hasn't changed much; in 1954 80% of the land was cropland and the remaining 20% was pastureland. In 2007, that proportion was more or less unchanged. Too flat to drain, yet too poor to crop, most pastureland has remained in pasture for lack of alternative uses. The remaining 80% that was used in the 1950s for growing wheat, oats, barley, flax, rye, and only meager acreages of corn, today grows an ever-increasing volume of corn and soy, where in some cases more than 75% of cropland is devoted to growing only those two crops.</p><p>To handle this ever growing demand for corn and soy-based products, new, state-of-the-art infrastructure in this region has recently been built to help facilitate the storage, processing, and movement of massive amounts of grain - mostly corn and soy - to destinations as far away as Asia, opening up new and expanding global and domestic agricultural markets to the farmers of this region. One such facility (Figure 1), located just east of Andover, SD is capable of storing three million bushels of corn, soy, and wheat. It is part of the James River Valley's new agricultural landscape. Unit trains can be loaded in less than eight hours that are bound for Pacific Northwest ports. Grain from these storage facilities also serve other distant domestic agricultural rail-markets such as ethanol facilities in Illinois, Nebraska, and Missouri, and livestock producers in Missouri, Texas, and Arkansas.</p><p>An identical facility has also been constructed on the west side of the Valley, about 70 miles west of Andover, in the small town of Roscoe. These two facilities, both on the east-west running BNSF rail line, are part of a much larger project where twelve South Dakota Wheat Growers facilities will be updated to handle and process ever-increasing quantities of corn and soy, making the ‘Wheat’ in the company name ever more irrelevant. The reasons for the upgrades are the increases both in the level of (grain handling) <i>speed</i> and (storage) <i>space</i>; upgrades that should help the farmers of this region market the products they are producing.</p><p>South Dakota's agricultural landscape is changing, albeit slowly. Today's landscape is a mosaic of the old (e.g., the barbed-wire fence, grazing cattle, bales of hay, pastureland, and fields of wheat) alongside the new (e.g., the towering grain elevator and the ever-increasing presence of corn and soy). To the casual passerby these changes may appear benign. 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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Fewer than 19% of Americans live in areas classified as “rural”. Moreover, only 0.7% of Americans (according to the 2007 USDA Census of Agriculture) are farmers. Yet, this miniscule segment of the population is responsible for maintaining well over 60% of our country's land through ranching and growing crops that provide food, fuel, and fiber. That is a substantial burden to bear, and yet it is one that often goes unnoticed by the remaining 99.3% of Americans.

Because the agricultural landscape changes slowly, many of the transitions go unnoticed. On the other hand, “sexier” and more easily-politicized movements and rallying cries such as “save the land,” “eat organic,” “down with urban sprawl,” and “eat locally sourced food” are often front-page news. What most Americans fail to realize is that there are multitudes of socio-economic and socio-ecological forces that work together at multiple spatial and temporal scales driving these transformations. Without direct ties to agriculture, many people decry the transition from general farming practices to more corporatist and monocultural practices. Most fail to see their own complicity in this transition. Who among us hasn't recently eaten a hamburger, filled his or her car's tank with gas, enjoyed a carbonated soft drink, or in one way or another purchased and consumed one of the thousands of other products made from the corn-soy dominated agricultural landscape?

One change happening on the rural landscape can be observed in the James River Valley of North and South Dakota (Figure 2). As our insatiable (global) appetite for Zea mays (corn) and Glycine max (soy) continues to increase, this region's agricultural landscape is being quietly transformed.

The James River originates in Wells County North Dakota, and winds its way gently 710 miles south to just east of Yankton, South Dakota, where it meets the Missouri River. Known as the “unnavigable river” to early Dakota Indian tribes, its meager 700 foot drop in elevation creates a multitude of meanders and a slow rate of discharge, which creates – more in some years than others – difficulty in finding water deep enough to paddle a canoe. The southern portion of the James River Valley has long been entrenched in Corn Belt agriculture. For decades, counties from Sanborn County, SD south to the Missouri River have planted nearly 30% of their cropland to corn. Evidence of this early Corn Belt status can be seen in Mitchell, SD – home to the Corn Palace and the Mitchell High School Kernels, whose mascot, a supersized ear of corn named Cornelius, intimidates rival schools from around the region.

But just to the north of Mitchell, some major changes are occurring. From LaMoure County, ND south to Spink, these counties have, over the past five decades, seen marked increase in the amount of cropland devoted to growing corn – in some cases by as much as twenty percent. In aggregate terms, this region's agricultural landscape hasn't changed much; in 1954 80% of the land was cropland and the remaining 20% was pastureland. In 2007, that proportion was more or less unchanged. Too flat to drain, yet too poor to crop, most pastureland has remained in pasture for lack of alternative uses. The remaining 80% that was used in the 1950s for growing wheat, oats, barley, flax, rye, and only meager acreages of corn, today grows an ever-increasing volume of corn and soy, where in some cases more than 75% of cropland is devoted to growing only those two crops.

To handle this ever growing demand for corn and soy-based products, new, state-of-the-art infrastructure in this region has recently been built to help facilitate the storage, processing, and movement of massive amounts of grain - mostly corn and soy - to destinations as far away as Asia, opening up new and expanding global and domestic agricultural markets to the farmers of this region. One such facility (Figure 1), located just east of Andover, SD is capable of storing three million bushels of corn, soy, and wheat. It is part of the James River Valley's new agricultural landscape. Unit trains can be loaded in less than eight hours that are bound for Pacific Northwest ports. Grain from these storage facilities also serve other distant domestic agricultural rail-markets such as ethanol facilities in Illinois, Nebraska, and Missouri, and livestock producers in Missouri, Texas, and Arkansas.

An identical facility has also been constructed on the west side of the Valley, about 70 miles west of Andover, in the small town of Roscoe. These two facilities, both on the east-west running BNSF rail line, are part of a much larger project where twelve South Dakota Wheat Growers facilities will be updated to handle and process ever-increasing quantities of corn and soy, making the ‘Wheat’ in the company name ever more irrelevant. The reasons for the upgrades are the increases both in the level of (grain handling) speed and (storage) space; upgrades that should help the farmers of this region market the products they are producing.

South Dakota's agricultural landscape is changing, albeit slowly. Today's landscape is a mosaic of the old (e.g., the barbed-wire fence, grazing cattle, bales of hay, pastureland, and fields of wheat) alongside the new (e.g., the towering grain elevator and the ever-increasing presence of corn and soy). To the casual passerby these changes may appear benign. Such changes do, however, signal shifts in global forces that impact even the most secluded agricultural regions of our country.

Abstract Image

一幅画抵得上898个字:达科他州不断变化的农业景观
不到19%的美国人生活在被归类为“农村”的地区。此外,只有0.7%的美国人(根据2007年美国农业部农业普查)是农民。然而,这一小部分人口却负责通过放牧和种植提供食物、燃料和纤维的作物来维持我国60%以上的土地。这是一个沉重的负担,而剩下的99.3%的美国人往往没有注意到这一点。由于农业景观变化缓慢,许多转变都未被注意到。另一方面,“更性感”、更容易政治化的运动和集会口号,如“拯救土地”、“吃有机食品”、“反对城市扩张”和“吃本地食物”,往往是头版新闻。大多数美国人没有意识到的是,有大量的社会经济和社会生态力量在多个空间和时间尺度上共同推动这些转变。由于与农业没有直接联系,许多人谴责从一般农业实践向更多的社团主义和单一文化实践的转变。大多数人都没有看到自己在这种转变中的同谋。我们当中有谁最近没吃过汉堡包,没给汽车油箱加过油,没喝过碳酸饮料,没以这样或那样的方式购买和消费过成千上万种由玉米-大豆主导的农业产品中的一种?在北达科他州和南达科他州的詹姆斯河谷可以观察到农村景观的一个变化(图2)。随着我们对玉米(Zea mays)和大豆(Glycine max)永不满足的(全球)需求不断增加,该地区的农业景观正在悄然发生变化。詹姆斯河发源于北达科他州的威尔斯县,向南蜿蜒710英里,在南达科他州的扬克顿以东,与密苏里河汇合。早期的达科他印第安部落把这条河称为“不能通航的河”,它的海拔只有700英尺,因此蜿蜒曲折,流速缓慢,这使得在某些年份很难找到足够深的水来划独木舟。詹姆斯河谷的南部长期以来一直是玉米带农业的大本营。几十年来,从SD的桑伯恩县(Sanborn County)向南到密苏里河(Missouri River)的各县,近30%的农田种植了玉米。这种早期玉米带地位的证据可以在SD的米切尔看到,这里是玉米宫和米切尔高中玉米粒的所在地,他们的吉祥物,一个超大的玉米穗,名叫科尼利厄斯,恐吓来自该地区竞争对手的学校。但就在米切尔北部,一些重大变化正在发生。从北达科他州的拉莫尔县到斯平克县,在过去的50年里,这些县用于种植玉米的农田数量显著增加,在某些情况下甚至增加了20%。总的来说,该地区的农业格局没有太大变化;1954年,80%的土地是农田,剩下的20%是牧场。2007年,这一比例基本没有变化。由于太平坦而无法排水,又太贫瘠而无法种植,大多数牧场由于缺乏替代用途而保留为牧场。剩下的80%在20世纪50年代用于种植小麦、燕麦、大麦、亚麻、黑麦和少量的玉米,今天种植了越来越多的玉米和大豆,在某些情况下,超过75%的农田只用于种植这两种作物。为了应对对玉米和大豆产品日益增长的需求,该地区最近建立了新的、最先进的基础设施,以帮助促进大量谷物(主要是玉米和大豆)的储存、加工和运输,并将其运往远至亚洲的目的地,为该地区的农民开辟了新的和不断扩大的全球和国内农业市场。一个这样的设施(图1),位于安多弗的东部,SD能够存储300万蒲式耳的玉米,大豆和小麦。它是詹姆斯河谷新农业景观的一部分。开往太平洋西北地区港口的单列火车可以在不到8小时的时间内装载完毕。这些储存设施的粮食也供应给其他遥远的国内农业铁路市场,如伊利诺伊州、内布拉斯加州和密苏里州的乙醇工厂,以及密苏里州、德克萨斯州和阿肯色州的牲畜生产商。在安多弗以西约70英里的山谷西侧小镇罗斯科(Roscoe),也建造了一座相同的设施。这两个设施都位于东西向运行的BNSF铁路线上,是一个更大项目的一部分,该项目将对12个南达科他州小麦种植者的设施进行更新,以处理和加工数量不断增加的玉米和大豆,使公司名称中的“小麦”变得更加无关紧要。 升级的原因是(粮食处理)速度和(储存)空间水平的增加;升级将帮助该地区的农民销售他们生产的产品。南达科他州的农业格局正在发生变化,尽管变化缓慢。今天的景观是旧的(例如,带刺的铁丝网,放牧的牛,干草,牧场和麦田)与新的(例如,高耸的谷物升降机和不断增加的玉米和大豆)的马赛克。对于偶然路过的人来说,这些变化可能是良性的。然而,这些变化确实标志着全球力量的转变,甚至影响到我国最偏僻的农业地区。
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