Cultural responsiveness and the family partnership model

Zoe Tipa, Denise Wilson, S. Neville, Jeffery Adams
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

IntroductionCultural responsiveness is contingent on the relationships developed between nurses and clients, and is necessary for the clients' and whanau (extended family) cultural needs to be incorporated into care delivery. The health and wellbeing of Maori children and their whanau is an ongoing concern for the delivery of health and social services in New Zealand. The Royal New Zealand Plunket Society (known as Plunket) provides well child services to 90% of children and their families nationwide, and to 65% of Maori children born in 2010 (Royal New Zealand Plunket Society, 2012). Plunket is committed to the Family Partnership Model, developed in the United Kingdom (Davis, Day, & Bidmead, 2002). The Family Partnership Model is based on establishing relationships and communication for working with others, and informs a programme to develop knowledge, skills and techniques for those working with children and their families. Plunket nurses undertake a 10-session Family Partnership Model training that aims to enhance their communication and ability to establish partnerships with families. However, it is not clear if the Family Partnership Model supports culturally responsive nursing practice. In this article we report the findings of a study investigating whether the Family Partnership Model influenced culturally responsive practice for nurses working with Maori whanau.BackgroundMaori, indigenous peoples of New Zealand, experience persistent inequities in health status and outcomes, similar to other Indigenous peoples who have histories of colonisation. They comprise 14.9% of the New Zealand population (Statistics New Zealand, 2013). Ninety percent of Maori live in households with other family members, and of these, 42.9% are couples with children, 26.5% are single adults with children and 11.5% in multi-family households (Te Puni Kokiri, 2011). Many Maori women have children at a younger age than other women living in New Zealand, are disconnected from their iwi and lack wider whanau support (Ritchie, 2007). Consequently, Maori whanau and children are often deemed at risk and vulnerable. For example, Maori children suffer health disparities and inequities at higher rates than other children living in New Zealand (Ministry of Health, 2012a, 2012b).Health inequities occur within a complex context that includes being indigenous; experiencing discrimination, poverty and unemployment; and having low levels of education. Many Maori children live in areas of high deprivation, with 41% of Maori whanau living in neighbourhoods with high deprivation (NZDep 2006 deciles 9 and 10) compared with 15% of non-Maori, while 73% of Maori live in deciles 6 to 10 neighbourhoods compared with 44% of non-Maori (Ministry of Health, 2010). There is a high likelihood that Maori children will live in poverty, an adverse experience that impacts lifelong health and social outcomes (Marie, Fergusson, & Boden, 2008; Poulton et al., 2002). The health system has a role to manage improvement in the poor health status of children (Tipene-Leach, 2012). Yet, despite Maori reporting good health in the 2012/13 New Zealand Health Survey, ongoing health inequities for parents and their children are evident, such as unmet health needs (Ministry of Health, 2012b).Providing culturally safe and responsive care is crucial for reducing health disparities and inequities for Maori (Robson & Harris, 2007; Wilson & Barton, 2012). Cultural responsiveness is grounded in worldviews, relationships, cultural contexts, and connecting in 'culturally-normed' ways of functioning (WerkmeisterRozas & Klein, 2009). Werkmeister-Rozas and Klein go further, stating cultural responsiveness is a "cocreated reality between worker and client" (p.6). This concept defies the adoption of universal or one-size-fits-all approaches. In addition to practitioners' awareness of their own cultural positions, cultural responsiveness is informed by a critical analysis of Maori whanau realities in terms of equity, social justice, rights, intersectionality, and complex interactions that impact their daily lives (Anderson et al. …
文化响应和家庭伙伴关系模式
文化响应性取决于护士和病人之间发展的关系,并且对于病人和whanau(大家庭)文化需求纳入护理服务是必要的。毛利儿童及其whanau的健康和福利是新西兰提供保健和社会服务的一个持续关注的问题。新西兰皇家普伦基特协会(被称为普伦基特)为全国90%的儿童及其家庭以及2010年出生的65%的毛利儿童提供良好的儿童服务(新西兰皇家普伦基特协会,2012年)。普朗克特致力于英国发展的家庭合伙模式(Davis, Day, & Bidmead, 2002)。家庭伙伴模式的基础是建立与他人合作的关系和沟通,并为那些从事儿童及其家庭工作的人提供发展知识、技能和技巧的方案。普伦基特护士接受10期家庭伙伴关系模式培训,旨在加强她们与家庭建立伙伴关系的沟通和能力。然而,尚不清楚家庭合作模式是否支持文化响应护理实践。在这篇文章中,我们报告了一项研究的结果,该研究调查了家庭伙伴关系模式是否影响了与毛利whanau合作的护士的文化响应实践。新西兰土著人民毛利人在健康状况和结果方面长期遭受不平等待遇,这与有殖民历史的其他土著人民类似。他们占新西兰人口的14.9%(新西兰统计局,2013年)。90%的毛利人与其他家庭成员生活在一起,其中42.9%是有孩子的夫妇,26.5%是有孩子的单身成年人,11.5%是多家庭家庭(Te Puni Kokiri, 2011年)。许多毛利妇女比生活在新西兰的其他妇女更早生孩子,与她们的iwi脱节,缺乏更广泛的whanau支持(Ritchie, 2007)。因此,毛利土著和儿童往往被认为处于危险和脆弱之中。例如,毛利族儿童遭受健康不平等和不平等的比率高于生活在新西兰的其他儿童(卫生部,2012年a、2012年b)。卫生不公平现象发生在一个复杂的背景下,包括土著人;遭受歧视、贫穷和失业;教育水平低。许多毛利儿童生活在高度贫困的地区,41%的毛利whanau生活在高度贫困的社区(新西兰统计局2006年第9和第10十分),而非毛利人的这一比例为15%,73%的毛利人生活在第6至第10十分社区,而非毛利人的这一比例为44%(卫生部,2010年)。毛利儿童很有可能生活在贫困中,这是一种影响终身健康和社会结果的不利经历(Marie, Fergusson, & Boden, 2008;Poulton et al., 2002)。卫生系统在改善儿童不良健康状况方面具有管理作用(Tipene-Leach, 2012年)。然而,尽管毛利人在2012/13年新西兰健康调查中报告健康状况良好,但父母及其子女在健康方面仍然存在明显的不平等现象,例如保健需求未得到满足(卫生部,2012年b)。提供文化上安全和反应迅速的护理对于减少毛利人的健康差距和不平等至关重要(Robson & Harris, 2007;Wilson & Barton, 2012)。文化响应性是建立在世界观、人际关系、文化背景和以“文化规范”的方式运作的基础上的(WerkmeisterRozas & Klein, 2009)。Werkmeister-Rozas和Klein进一步指出,文化响应是“工人和客户之间共同创造的现实”(第6页)。这一概念反对采用通用或一刀切的方法。除了从业者对自身文化立场的认识外,对毛利瓦诺现实的批判性分析也为文化响应提供了信息,包括公平、社会正义、权利、交叉性和影响他们日常生活的复杂互动(Anderson等. ...)
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