Morpho-Syntactic Agreement and Index Agreement in Dutch NPs

Abstract

For the treatment of agreement in Dutch NPs I adopt a distinction, familiar from HPSG, between morphosyntactic agreement and index agreement. In order to determine their respective roles, I make another distinction, proposed in Van Eynde (2003), between marked and unmarked nominals. Employing these distinctions, I will demonstrate that the combination of prenominal adjectives and determiners with unmarked nominals is subject to morphosyntactic agreement, whereas the combination of these prenominals with marked nominals is subject to index agreement.