Rights in Conflict: The First Amendment’s Third Century

Q2 Social Sciences
R. O'neil
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

I INTRODUCTION Over the past four decades of teaching and studying First Amendment law, I have witnessed the resolution, or at least the clarification, of many free speech and press issues. There are, however, persistent issues--those elusive or intractable tensions between free expression and other basic human liberties--that deserve particularly close scrutiny. Three such issues occasion this article: tensions between free expression and privacy, civility, and equality. Examples of each tension abound: Can an aggressive reporter or photographer be barred from using high-tech tools such as infrared cameras and parabolic microphones to gather images and conversations through the walls of a house or office? Can a person be jailed for cursing and using vulgar four-letter words in public? Can "hate speech" be curbed on a college campus to protect vulnerable groups in society? It should be simple to answer such questions, but instead is exceedingly difficult because of a deep national ambivalence toward the proper balance betwe en free expression and other values. As a nation, we are equally committed to freedom of speech and to those basic values of privacy, civility and equality. We expect the courts to strike the proper balance, to resolve these tensions in ways that will permit us to preserve (and our laws to serve) both sets of values equally well. When the courts fail or falter in this effort, we are deeply disappointed. We expect judges to discover or devise paths of reconciliation, even though they have eluded the rest of us. In the three areas of tension on which this article focuses, the courts have been notably unsuccessful and a breakthrough appears unlikely. Perhaps we should simply acknowledge that resolution of these issues is not possible and that we must accept certain intractable tensions within our First Amendment jurisprudence. Maybe, indeed, we should even be grateful that so few truly irreconcilable conflicts exist. II PRIVACY: WILL THE TRUTH "SET YOU FREE"? In an ideal system, the legal import of truth would be unmistakably clear. Factual correctness would either provide a complete defense to any claim for invasion of privacy or be legally irrelevant. The courts of this country have, however, been curiously ambivalent about the relationship between privacy and truth. Even individual Supreme Court Justices may fairly be accused of vacillation. One might easily forget that Justice Louis D. Brandeis, who late in his career framed the case for maximum freedom of expression most eloquently, (1) had as a young lawyer written the seminal article first advancing the rationale for imposing legal liability on those whose publication of unwelcome truth invaded the privacy of others. (2) Such inconsistency has persisted in ways that underscore the inherent difficulty of the issue. The Supreme Court has consistently declined to recognize truth as an absolute defense when reviewing criminal or civil judgments against those who have published truthful but private information, although the Justices have never sustained such a claim when the accuracy of the material was undisputed. What the Court has said on this issue is helpful but not dispositive: "[S]tate action to punish the publication of truthful information seldom can justify constitutional standards." (3) The crucial word, of course, is "seldom"; Chief Justice Burger chose not to say "never." Such a formula poses this intriguing question: Why has the high Court never flatly foreclosed such claims against publishers of truthful information? Instead of setting that standard, the Court has imposed three conditions: (1) The information must be accurate; (2) it must have obvious "public interest"; and (3) it must not have been "unlawfully obta ined." (4) The first criterion is obvious enough; spreading false information would not only subject the publisher to civil liability for defamation, but also would elicit little sympathy even from a court generally committed to protecting free expression and communication. …
冲突中的权利:第一修正案的第三个世纪
在过去四十年的教学和研究第一修正案的过程中,我见证了许多言论和新闻自由问题的解决,或者至少是澄清。然而,也有一些长期存在的问题——言论自由与其他基本人类自由之间难以捉摸或难以解决的紧张关系——值得特别仔细地审视。这篇文章提出了三个这样的问题:言论自由与隐私、文明与平等之间的紧张关系。这两种紧张关系的例子比比皆是:是否可以禁止激进的记者或摄影师使用红外摄像机和抛物面麦克风等高科技工具隔着房子或办公室的墙壁收集图像和对话?一个人在公共场合咒骂和使用低俗的脏话会被判入狱吗?大学校园里的“仇恨言论”能否得到遏制,以保护社会中的弱势群体?回答这些问题应该很简单,但却极其困难,因为在自由表达和其他价值观之间的适当平衡问题上,美国人有着深刻的矛盾心理。作为一个国家,我们同样致力于言论自由以及隐私、文明和平等的基本价值观。我们希望法院能够取得适当的平衡,以使我们能够同样好地维护(以及我们的法律为之服务)这两种价值观的方式来解决这些紧张关系。当法院在这方面的努力失败或动摇时,我们深感失望。我们期望法官们能够发现或设计和解的途径,尽管他们避开了我们其他人。在本文关注的三个紧张领域中,法院明显不成功,似乎不太可能取得突破。也许我们应该简单地承认,解决这些问题是不可能的,我们必须接受我们的第一修正案判例中某些棘手的紧张关系。也许,事实上,我们甚至应该感激,真正不可调和的冲突很少存在。隐私:真相会“让你自由”吗?在一个理想的体系中,真相的法律重要性是明确无误的。事实的正确性要么为任何侵犯隐私的主张提供完整的辩护,要么在法律上无关紧要。然而,这个国家的法院对隐私和真相之间的关系一直持奇怪的矛盾态度。甚至最高法院的个别法官也可能被公平地指责为优柔寡断。人们可能很容易忘记,大法官路易斯·d·布兰代斯(Louis D. Brandeis)在其职业生涯晚期最雄辩地阐述了最大限度的言论自由,他在年轻时曾写过一篇开创性的文章,首先提出了对那些发表不受欢迎的事实侵犯他人隐私的人施加法律责任的基本原理。这种不一致一直存在,凸显了这个问题的内在困难。最高法院在审查对那些发布真实但私密信息的人的刑事或民事判决时,一贯拒绝承认真相是绝对的辩护理由,尽管法官们从未在材料的准确性无可争议的情况下支持这种主张。最高法院在这个问题上的说法是有帮助的,但不是决定性的:“惩罚发布真实信息的行为很少能证明宪法标准是正当的。”(3)关键字当然是“很少”;首席大法官伯格没有说"永远不会"这样一个公式提出了一个有趣的问题:为什么高等法院从来没有断然取消对真实信息发布者的索赔?法院没有设定这一标准,而是规定了三个条件:(1)信息必须准确;(二)具有明显的“公共利益”;(3)它必须不是“非法获得的”。(4)第一项标准足够明显;传播虚假信息不仅会使出版者承担诽谤的民事责任,而且即使是通常致力于保护言论和交流自由的法院也不会同情出版者。…
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来源期刊
Law and Contemporary Problems
Law and Contemporary Problems Social Sciences-Law
CiteScore
2.00
自引率
0.00%
发文量
1
期刊介绍: Law and Contemporary Problems was founded in 1933 and is the oldest journal published at Duke Law School. It is a quarterly, interdisciplinary, faculty-edited publication of Duke Law School. L&CP recognizes that many fields in the sciences, social sciences, and humanities can enhance the development and understanding of law. It is our purpose to seek out these areas of overlap and to publish balanced symposia that enlighten not just legal readers, but readers from these other disciplines as well. L&CP uses a symposium format, generally publishing one symposium per issue on a topic of contemporary concern. Authors and articles are selected to ensure that each issue collectively creates a unified presentation of the contemporary problem under consideration. L&CP hosts an annual conference at Duke Law School featuring the authors of one of the year’s four symposia.
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