Oligarchic transitions within the Tunisian ‘autocratic/authoritarian’ system and the struggle for ‘democratic transformations’

Q2 Arts and Humanities
M. Khaddar
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

This work focuses on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy and teleological democratization assumptions but instead on its own merits as a Tunisian civilian dictatorship (1957–2010). This latter is reminiscent of French colonial authoritarianism (1881–1956) and traditional beylic monarchic absolutism (1705–1957). For more than half a century, the Tunisian autocratic political system functioned as state-manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a presidential hegemonic ruling party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient oppressive elites. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s political system encompasses the early years of autocracy, under the autocratic rule of the first president of the Republic Bourguiba, 1957–87, as well as the various stages of its consolidation into a police-security state with the second autocrat-President, Ben Ali, 1987–2011. This study also explores the reasons behind the durability of the ruling authoritarian-autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping state-society relations under the first and second president and left an indelible mark on the Tunisian polity beyond the 2010 ‘popular uprisings’. Therefore, the question is how, throughout the 2010 ‘Jasmine Revolution’, anti-democratic forces mutated in Tunisian politics in such a way that the end of ‘autocracy’, brought about by people’s uprisings, did not translate into social transformations, economic gains and ‘popular sovereignty’? Put more bluntly, why does the ‘revolution’ remain ‘unfinished’ and the transition ‘endless’ or ‘blocked’?
突尼斯“独裁/专制”体制内的寡头过渡和“民主转型”的斗争
这项工作的重点是对突尼斯“专制威权主义”的语境化理解,而不是参考资本主义自由民主和目的论民主化假设的理想类型来接近其特点,而是关注其作为突尼斯平民独裁政权的自身优点(1957-2010)。后者让人想起法国的殖民威权主义(1881-1956)和传统的君主专制主义(1705-1957)。半个多世纪以来,突尼斯的专制政治体系一直是国家制造的民族主义-民粹主义威权主义,与总统霸权的执政党、连续两任专制总统及其屈从的压迫精英有关。对突尼斯政治制度的历时性考察包括了在布尔吉巴共和国第一任总统(1957-87)的独裁统治下的独裁统治的早期,以及在第二任独裁者总统本·阿里(1987-2011)的统治下,突尼斯巩固为警察安全国家的各个阶段。本研究还探讨了在第一和第二任总统执政期间,独裁精英在塑造国家-社会关系方面发挥了决定性作用,并在2010年“人民起义”之后给突尼斯政体留下了不可磨灭的印记。因此,问题是,在整个2010年的“茉莉花革命”中,反民主力量如何在突尼斯政治中以这样一种方式变异,即由人民起义带来的“独裁”的终结,没有转化为社会变革、经济收益和“人民主权”?更坦率地说,为什么“革命”仍然“未完成”,而过渡“没完没了”或“受阻”?
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Journal of Contemporary Iraq and the Arab World
Journal of Contemporary Iraq and the Arab World Arts and Humanities-Arts and Humanities (all)
CiteScore
0.30
自引率
0.00%
发文量
11
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