Alaska's Place in the West: From the Last Frontier to the Last Great Wilderness

K. A. Sculle
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Abstract

Alaska's Place in the West: From the Last Frontier to the Last Great Wilderness Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2010. xi + 186 pp. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliography, and index. $34.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-7006-1748-7.Reviewed by Keith A. Sculle, ksculle@gmail.com, Independent Scholar, Sherman, IL 62684An environmental historian cannot necessarily be expected to treat material culture where this journal is concerned. Roxanne Willis, nonetheless, has some interesting things to say about Alaska that will engage this journal's readers interested in a precautionary tale of the pitfalls from economic developments taken without understanding Alaska's special cultural and physical circumstances. Alaska should not be subsumed in the American West.Willis, who is not from Alaska, narrates five "stories," (as she types them), that this reviewer understands to be well-known to Alaskans. She accomplished her assignment in an introduction, five chapters, and an epilogue. Willis tips off readers about her deepest motives in her dedication wherein she declares in part that it is "For everyone who has fallen in love with Alaska" (p. v).Perception of Alaska as ripe for exploitation induced the first narrative, namely, plans to introduce reindeer into western Alaska to feed the Eskimos. Presbyterian missionary, Reverend Sheldon Jackson believed the Eskimos were starving and to find a food source for them was fundamental to the acculturation program he was attempting to launch. With support from Christians who took sympathy upon the Indians throughout the United States and people of the budding Progressive movement who believed capitalism had reduced the Eskimos to their plight, Jackson introduced a reindeer herd in 1891. Over the twenty-year span through which Willis extends the reindeer introduction, development for profit eventually took the lead, but by the 1950s, nature reigned on the landscape; for overgrazing and an increase in the wolf population due to more reindeer available for food reduced the reindeer population considerably. Eventually, raising reindeer also succumbed to cultural circumstances among the Eskimos. They received reindeer herding as an economic option according to their own cultural considerations and reindeer were raised or not as they saw fit. Reindeer as an industry, Willis declares, failed because the complexities of Alaska's life and land outstripped the simplistic perceptions introduced from "Outside." It never could be analogous to cattle raising in the West.Alaska has always been pressed to yield the sustenance for a large population. Russians had never penetrated farther inland than roughly 100 miles east from Norton Sound and Americans no farther than Fairbanks enticed by the short-lived gold rush. If the American investment in its purchase a third of a century earlier were to yield profit, people would have to be drawn to live permanently in Alaska. Roosevelt's New Deal seized hold of an opportunity to develop the Matanuska Valley north of Anchorage, little more than a railroad center begun as late as 1915, for an agricultural and dairy center. It was also believed possible to aid impoverished Americans from Michigan's, Minnesota's, and Wisconsin's northern counties to achieve the valley's full potential, when, in 1935, 201 families were resettled there. Federal funds built things such as a general store and warehouses - all novel architectural installments. About seventy-four percent of the original settlers and their replacements stayed. Potatoes, cabbage, strawberries, and small grains; but not corn, tomatoes, cucumbers, and squash; were found to thrive.Matanuska Colony satisfied American's faith in the frontier West that hardworking pioneers rendered arable and productive from wilderness. Intrigued by the failure to foresee that Alaskan agriculture would be difficult, Willis finds the answer "deep within America's cultural geography and Alaska's place in it" (p. …
阿拉斯加在西部的位置:从最后的边疆到最后的大荒野
阿拉斯加州在西部的位置:从最后的边疆到最后的大荒野劳伦斯,堪萨斯:堪萨斯大学出版社,2010。xi + 186页。插图,地图,注释,参考书目和索引。34.95美元(布),ISBN 978-0-7006-1748-7。由基思A.斯卡利审查,ksculle@gmail.com,独立学者,谢尔曼,IL 62684一个环境历史学家不能被期望在这个杂志所关注的地方对待物质文化。然而,罗克珊•威利斯(Roxanne Willis)说了一些关于阿拉斯加的有趣的事情,这将吸引本刊的读者,他们对在不了解阿拉斯加特殊的文化和自然环境的情况下,经济发展所带来的隐患感兴趣。阿拉斯加不应该被归入美国西部。威利斯不是阿拉斯加人,她讲述了五个“故事”(她一边打字一边讲),据我所知,这些故事在阿拉斯加人当中是家喻户晓的。她在引言、五章和结语中完成了她的任务。威利斯在她的奉献中向读者透露了她最深刻的动机,她在其中宣称,“为了每一个爱上阿拉斯加的人”(第5页)。对阿拉斯加的开发时机成熟的认识诱发了第一次叙述,即计划将驯鹿引入阿拉斯加西部以喂养爱斯基摩人。长老会传教士谢尔登·杰克逊牧师认为爱斯基摩人正在挨饿,为他们找到食物来源是他试图启动的文化适应计划的基础。在同情美国各地印第安人的基督徒和那些认为资本主义使爱斯基摩人陷入困境的新兴进步运动人士的支持下,杰克逊于1891年引进了驯鹿群。在威利斯推广驯鹿引进的20年间,以盈利为目的的开发最终占据了主导地位,但到了20世纪50年代,自然主宰了景观;因为过度放牧和狼的数量增加,因为更多的驯鹿可供食用,大大减少了驯鹿的数量。最终,饲养驯鹿也屈服于爱斯基摩人的文化环境。他们根据自己的文化考虑,把驯鹿放牧作为一种经济选择,驯鹿的饲养与否取决于他们认为合适。威利斯宣称,驯鹿产业失败了,因为阿拉斯加生活和土地的复杂性超过了从“外部”引入的简单认知。这绝不可能与西方的养牛相提并论。阿拉斯加一直被要求为大量人口提供食物。俄国人从未深入到诺顿湾以东约100英里以外的内陆地区,而美国人也没有深入到费尔班克斯以外的地方,他们被短暂的淘金热所吸引。如果美国在三分之一个世纪前购买阿拉斯加的投资产生了利润,人们将不得不被吸引到阿拉斯加永久居住。罗斯福的新政抓住了机会,将安克雷奇以北的马塔努斯卡山谷(Matanuska Valley)开发为农业和乳制品中心,该地区直到1915年才开始成为铁路中心。1935年,201个家庭被重新安置在这里,人们也相信有可能帮助来自密歇根州、明尼苏达州和威斯康星州北部县的贫困美国人充分发挥山谷的潜力。联邦基金建造了诸如杂货店和仓库之类的东西——都是新颖的建筑分期付款。大约74%的原始定居者和他们的继任者留下了。土豆、卷心菜、草莓和小谷物;但不是玉米、西红柿、黄瓜和南瓜;被发现茁壮成长。马塔努斯卡殖民地满足了美国人对西部边疆的信念,即勤劳的拓荒者将荒野变成了耕地和生产力。由于未能预见到阿拉斯加农业的困难,威利斯很感兴趣,他在“美国的文化地理和阿拉斯加在其中的位置深处”找到了答案(. ...页)
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