Memory, Inequality, and Power: Palestine and the Universality of Human Rights

Q1 Arts and Humanities
Alif Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI:10.2307/4047418
E. Said
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

Stressing the role of collective memory in the survival of Palestinian people in the diaspora, Said argues for acknowledging the rights of the Palestinians as a people, since human rights are universal. No earthly or divine dispensation could excuse oppressing a people by pleading past victimhood. Against the reductive notion of clash of civilizations, Said espouses knowing the Other and recognizing the historical rights of Palestinians in their own country. Knowledge becomes in this quest, a tool of understanding and recognition. Said advocates replacing antagonism with reconciliation following the model of post-apartheid South Africa. For him, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict cannot be resolved by military means, but by democratic admission of equality and by inclusiveness rather than exclusiveness. The Palestinian past cannot be erased and should not be dismissed if a genuine peace is sought. ********** This is a very fraught moment to be speaking about human rights and the Middle East, and the human rights of the Palestinian people in particular; but it does seem to be in some ways a symbolically useful time for the purposes of my lecture and what I have to say. I should also say immediately that I am not a political commentator; I am not a political scientist; I don't teach Middle Eastern studies or any of that, so I speak as one of us. The United States of America has already sent a hugely intimidating military forces to various Arab and non-Arab countries in the regions surrounding Iraq. The frankly imperial idea which my President [George W. Bush] can barely articulate is that they are there to disarm Iraq forcibly and also to change its dreadful regime. The rest of the international community, not least most of the Arab countries of the region as well as the other permanent members of the Security Council, have been expressing varying degrees of disquiet and occasionally urgent disapproval as is the case with France. Certainly it is the case that no one outside of Iraq has suggested any concern about Saddam Hussein and his government. It is the people of Iraq who stand to suffer the most and whose doubly and triply miserable fate is of the deepest interest to people all over the world. I am sorry to say that none of this has had the slightest effect on what is a granitic will on the part of a tiny number of members of George Bush's administration to go forward with plans for a war among whose stated imperial intentions is the unilateral wish to bring American style democracy to Iraq and the Arab world, redrawing maps, overturning governments and states and modes of life on a fantastically wide scale in the process. That all of this has very little in the final analysis to do with the enhancements of human rights and democracy, in a part of the world especially rife with their abuse, is patently obvious. Were Iraq to have been the world's largest exporter of oranges and apples, there would have been no concern over its purported possession of weapons of mass destruction or its extraordinarily cruel and tyrannical regime. This is a war planned for many reasons; among them I would say the most important are resources and strategic control. And when it occurs, the United States would have then asserted its strategic dominance over the center of the world's largest known energy reserves from the Gulf to the Caspian Sea. And it plans to reshape the area by pacifying threats to its dominance in Syria, Iran, and elsewhere in the Gulf. To threaten and soon to prosecute war with such belligerence and such a wasteful deployment of human and military resources is an abuse of human tolerance and human values. That it might in the end turn out to be only a display, rather than an actual use of force, only deepens the anxiety about the kind of world we are moving toward. By the end of the decade China will be importing as much oil as the United States and by 2025, the United States will need to import a full 75% of its oil needs from the Gulf region principally. …
记忆、不平等与权力:巴勒斯坦与人权的普遍性
赛义德强调了集体记忆在散居海外的巴勒斯坦人民生存中的作用,他主张承认巴勒斯坦人作为一个民族的权利,因为人权是普遍的。任何世俗的或神圣的安排都不能以过去的受害者身份来为压迫一个民族开脱。赛义德反对文明冲突的简化概念,他支持了解他者,并承认巴勒斯坦人在自己国家的历史权利。在这种探索中,知识成为理解和认识的工具。赛义德主张按照后种族隔离时代南非的模式,用和解取代对抗。对他来说,巴以冲突不能通过军事手段解决,而是通过民主承认平等和包容而不是排他性来解决。如果寻求真正的和平,巴勒斯坦的过去就不能被抹去,也不应该被忽视。**********这是一个非常令人担忧的时刻谈论人权和中东,特别是巴勒斯坦人民的人权;但从某种意义上来说,这段时间对我的讲座和我要说的内容来说确实是很有象征意义的。我还应该立即说,我不是政治评论员;我不是政治学家;我不教中东研究之类的,所以我代表大家发言。美利坚合众国已经向伊拉克周围地区的各个阿拉伯和非阿拉伯国家派遣了一支具有巨大威慑力的军事力量。坦率地说,我的总统(乔治·w·布什)几乎无法表达的帝国主义思想是,他们在那里是为了强行解除伊拉克的武装,并改变其可怕的政权。国际社会的其他国家,尤其是该地区的大多数阿拉伯国家以及安全理事会的其他常任理事国,一直表示不同程度的不安,有时还表示紧急的反对,法国就是这种情况。当然,在伊拉克之外,没有人对萨达姆·侯赛因及其政府表示过任何担忧。将遭受最大苦难的是伊拉克人民,他们的双重和三重悲惨命运是全世界人民最关心的。我很遗憾地说,这一切都没有对乔治·布什政府中少数成员的坚定意志产生丝毫影响,他们希望推进一场战争的计划,他们宣称的帝国主义意图是单方面地希望把美国式的民主带到伊拉克和阿拉伯世界,在这个过程中,重新绘制地图,推翻政府和国家,在大范围内推翻生活方式。所有这一切归根结底与加强人权和民主毫无关系,尤其是在世界上一个人权和民主被滥用的地区,这是显而易见的。如果伊拉克是世界上最大的橙子和苹果出口国,人们就不会担心它据称拥有大规模杀伤性武器,也不会担心它异常残酷和专制的政权。这是一场有很多原因的战争;其中我认为最重要的是资源和战略控制。当这种情况发生时,美国将在从海湾到里海的世界最大已知能源储备中心确立其战略主导地位。它还计划通过平息对其在叙利亚、伊朗和海湾其他地区主导地位的威胁来重塑该地区。以如此好战和如此浪费人力和军事资源的方式威胁并很快进行战争,是对人类宽容和人类价值观的滥用。它最终可能只是一种展示,而不是实际使用武力,这只会加深人们对我们正在走向的世界的焦虑。到本世纪末,中国的石油进口量将与美国相当,到2025年,美国将需要从海湾地区进口其所需石油的75%。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Alif
Alif Arts and Humanities-Literature and Literary Theory
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1.70
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