More Good Times and Hard Times: Family Diversity in a Rural Michigan Community

Barbara Wells
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[2]The central concerns of the initial study were family structure, economic subsistence, and difference. I explored family structure by asking: How are the family households in this sample configured? Are current household arrangements longstanding or are they characterized by substantial fluidity? I addressed economic subsistence by asking: What decisions do family members make and what actions do they take to sustain their households economically? I examined difference in the experience of rural families by analyzing them through the lens of social class, asking: How does family experience vary by social class? How do the ways that families are structured and sustain themselves economically differ by social class?Diversity is doubtlessly a hallmark of contemporary family life. Family scholars recognize that race, class, and gender create a multiplicity of social locations from which individuals create and maintain their family lives. Among this sample of White women, diversity in family experience appeared along the lines of social class. Both family structure variation and differentiation in patterns of resource generation were associated with the social-class position of families. Middle-class families had secure economic resources and stable family circumstances. Moving down the social-class ladder, I found increasingly insecure economic resources and unstable family circumstances. 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The salient point for this research is that individuals make family-related decisions (for instance, when and whether to marry or divorce) and strategies for making ends meet (for instance, when and whether a primary breadwinner moonlights or a mother takes a job) in specific social and economic contexts.I studied a sample of families in a rural setting to explore how this unique social and economic context shapes family outcomes that may be particular to this situation. While space limitations here preclude a wide-ranging discussion of either rural family demographics or labor markets, two general points are particularly relevant to this analysis. First, rural workers encounter a more restrictive set of employment opportunities than do urban workers. Rural labor markets tend to offer low-skill, low-wage work that is frequently part-time or seasonal (Gibbs, 2001). Per capita income in rural areas is approximately 70 percent of income in urban areas (Economic Research Service [ERS], 2003). 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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Rural America is widely assumed to be a positive and wholesome environment for families. The experiences of the women studied here do not uniformly fit that optimistic construction. This study joins a significant literature that challenges the idealization of rural family life (e.g., Bokemeier & Garkovich, 1991; Egan, 2002; Gringeri, 2001; Willits & Luloff, 1995). This article presents the results of a follow-up study to a 1995-1996 case study of White rural families in a small Michigan community. In the summer of 2002, I returned to the research community to interview a subgroup of women who had participated in the initial study. In this paper, I summarize the results of the initial study and present key findings from the new research. [2]The central concerns of the initial study were family structure, economic subsistence, and difference. I explored family structure by asking: How are the family households in this sample configured? Are current household arrangements longstanding or are they characterized by substantial fluidity? I addressed economic subsistence by asking: What decisions do family members make and what actions do they take to sustain their households economically? I examined difference in the experience of rural families by analyzing them through the lens of social class, asking: How does family experience vary by social class? How do the ways that families are structured and sustain themselves economically differ by social class?Diversity is doubtlessly a hallmark of contemporary family life. Family scholars recognize that race, class, and gender create a multiplicity of social locations from which individuals create and maintain their family lives. Among this sample of White women, diversity in family experience appeared along the lines of social class. Both family structure variation and differentiation in patterns of resource generation were associated with the social-class position of families. Middle-class families had secure economic resources and stable family circumstances. Moving down the social-class ladder, I found increasingly insecure economic resources and unstable family circumstances. Research participants in higher social-class locations generally described their family lives in terms of "good times" while individuals in lower social-class locations were more likely to describe "hard times." The follow-up study finds that patterns identified in the initial research generally continued in the years between the initial and subsequent studies.A substantial body of literature documents how macrostructural changes in recent decades have created diverse and challenging economic contexts for constructing and maintaining family life (e.g., Edin & Lein, 1996; Nelson & Smith, 1999; Rubin, 1994; Stacey, 1990; Wilson, 1987). This literature illumines the interrelationship between households and the communities in which they are situated. The salient point for this research is that individuals make family-related decisions (for instance, when and whether to marry or divorce) and strategies for making ends meet (for instance, when and whether a primary breadwinner moonlights or a mother takes a job) in specific social and economic contexts.I studied a sample of families in a rural setting to explore how this unique social and economic context shapes family outcomes that may be particular to this situation. While space limitations here preclude a wide-ranging discussion of either rural family demographics or labor markets, two general points are particularly relevant to this analysis. First, rural workers encounter a more restrictive set of employment opportunities than do urban workers. Rural labor markets tend to offer low-skill, low-wage work that is frequently part-time or seasonal (Gibbs, 2001). Per capita income in rural areas is approximately 70 percent of income in urban areas (Economic Research Service [ERS], 2003). Second, while the percentage of nonfamily households and female-headed family households continues to rise in all spatial contexts, nonetheless rural residents continue to be more likely to live in married couple households than are their urban counterparts. …
人们普遍认为美国农村是一个积极健康的家庭环境。这里研究的女性的经历并不都符合这种乐观的结构。本研究加入了对农村家庭生活理想化提出挑战的重要文献(例如,Bokemeier & Garkovich, 1991;伊根,2002;Gringeri, 2001;Willits & Luloff, 1995)。本文介绍了对1995-1996年密歇根州一个小社区白人农村家庭案例研究的后续研究结果。2002年夏天,我回到研究界,采访了一组参与最初研究的女性。在本文中,我总结了初步研究的结果,并提出了新研究的主要发现。[2]最初研究的中心问题是家庭结构、经济生存和差异。我通过提问来探索家庭结构:这个样本中的家庭是如何配置的?目前的家庭安排是长期存在的还是具有很大的流动性?我通过提问来解决经济生存问题:家庭成员做什么决定,采取什么行动来维持家庭的经济?我从社会阶层的角度分析农村家庭的经历差异,并提出了这样的问题:家庭经历是如何随着社会阶层而变化的?不同社会阶层的家庭结构和经济维持方式有何不同?多样性无疑是当代家庭生活的一个标志。家庭学者认识到,种族、阶级和性别创造了个体创造和维持家庭生活的多重社会地位。在这些白人女性样本中,家庭经历的多样性呈现出社会阶层的不同。家庭结构的变异和资源生成模式的分化都与家庭的社会阶级地位有关。中产阶级家庭有安全的经济资源和稳定的家庭环境。沿着社会阶层的阶梯往下走,我发现经济资源越来越不稳定,家庭环境也越来越不稳定。社会阶层较高的研究参与者通常用“美好时光”来描述他们的家庭生活,而社会阶层较低的人更有可能用“艰难时光”来描述他们的家庭生活。后续研究发现,在最初的研究和随后的研究之间的几年里,最初研究中确定的模式通常持续存在。大量文献记录了近几十年来宏观结构的变化如何为构建和维持家庭生活创造了多样化和具有挑战性的经济环境(例如,Edin & Lein, 1996;Nelson & Smith, 1999;鲁宾,1994;斯泰西,1990;威尔逊,1987)。这些文献阐明了家庭与其所在社区之间的相互关系。这项研究的重点是,个人在特定的社会和经济背景下做出与家庭有关的决定(例如,何时以及是否结婚或离婚)和维持收支平衡的策略(例如,何时以及是否主要养家糊口的人兼职或母亲工作)。我研究了一个农村家庭的样本,以探索这种独特的社会和经济环境如何影响这种情况下可能特有的家庭结果。由于篇幅限制,本文无法对农村家庭人口结构或劳动力市场进行广泛讨论,但有两点与本文的分析特别相关。首先,与城市工人相比,农村工人的就业机会更为有限。农村劳动力市场往往提供低技能、低工资的工作,通常是兼职或季节性的(Gibbs, 2001)。农村地区的人均收入大约是城市地区收入的70%(经济研究局[ERS], 2003)。其次,尽管在所有空间背景下,非家庭家庭和女性户主家庭的比例继续上升,但农村居民仍然比城市居民更有可能生活在已婚夫妇家庭中。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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