Science and religion in India: beyond disenchantment

IF 1 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE
R. Anderson
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

In his 1917 lecture on Science as a Vocation at the University of Munich, sociologist Max Weber observed that “the fate of our age” is that “the ultimate, most sublime values have withdrawn from public life.” And why is that the particular fate of our age, asked Weber, just before the end of the mass killing of WWOne? His answer was that it is due to his/our age’s “characteristic rationalization and intellectualization,” and “above all [to the] disenchantment of the world.” Since its publication in 1918, Weber’s interpretation has been applied strongly to explain the presumed detachment of scientific communities and individual scientists from spiritual and/or religious life, if not hostility to religion. Even occasional anti-theist movements among scientists have been explained by using Weber’s reasoning. In my case, as a young sociologist and anthropologist among scientists in the 1960s, I inhaled the Weberian premise, expecting to see few signs of the “spirited” or “enchanted” world among people in the labs which I was going to study in Chicago and India. By my mid-20s, I was accustomed to expect a disenchanted world. In 2011–2012, Renny Thomas walked into a nuclear spectroscopy lab in Bangalore (now Bengaluru) in order to see whether he would be accepted sufficiently to observe the life of the lab and gradually engage the scientists in focused interviews. His timing was perfect. Bangalore was reaching its zenith for a world-wide reputation in high-tech research and development, and with its sublime climate and cosmopolitan culture, it was the place that scientists wanted to live in. He did his fieldwork inside a prestigious 110-year-old research-oriented Institute there. At that time, comparable cities in Latin America would have been Bariloche, Guadalajara, Sao Paulo, not to deny the status of megacities like Mexico City and Buenos Aires. But Bangalore was not (by Indian standards) a megacity. The ultimate leader of this lab had a nickname before Thomas arrived, and he was known in the Group as “Boss.” Fortunately, Boss was intrigued by Thomas’s focus on the religiosity of the scientists in his group and enabled him to become incorporated as a member. Thomas became “a lab member” and thus participated in the required Saturday morning group meetings which were about both ideas and plans for further work. He was allowed to reside and eat in an adjacent hostel for doctoral students. This group, doing work in Ultrafast Raman Loss Spectroscopy, was one of the largest in the Institute. Suspicious of Thomas at first, most of the 35 members of this group (post-docs, doctoral students, technicians, etc.) eventually accepted him and, as in all successful cases of ethnography, treated him as part of the furniture, part of the background. They even welcomed his return in 2016 for some follow-up interviews. Thomas found a high percentage of South Indian Brahmins and South Indian Christians in this well-known lab. There is/was high representation of both of these communities in professional scientific communities (doctors, lawyers, university professors, etc.) in Bengaluru and across India. There were also others in the lab who had not originated from these two groups (e.g. Muslims). But his major focus group were members of research communities
印度的科学与宗教:超越幻灭
社会学家马克斯·韦伯(Max Weber) 1917年在慕尼黑大学(University of Munich)发表的题为《科学是一种职业》(Science as a Vocation)的演讲中指出,“我们这个时代的命运”是“终极的、最崇高的价值观已经退出了公共生活”。韦伯在第一次世界大战的大屠杀结束前问道,为什么这就是我们这个时代的特殊命运?他的回答是,这是由于他/我们这个时代的“典型的合理化和理智化”,以及“最重要的是世界的觉醒”。自1918年出版以来,韦伯的解释被强烈地应用于解释科学界和个体科学家与精神和/或宗教生活的假定分离,如果不是对宗教的敌意的话。甚至科学家中偶尔出现的反有神论运动也可以用韦伯的推理来解释。就我而言,作为20世纪60年代科学家中的一名年轻的社会学家和人类学家,我吸收了韦伯的前提,期望在我要去芝加哥和印度研究的实验室里的人们身上看到很少“精神的”或“着迷的”世界的迹象。到了25岁左右,我已经习惯了期待一个不抱幻想的世界。2011-2012年,Renny Thomas走进了班加罗尔(现班加罗尔)的一个核光谱学实验室,想看看他是否能被充分接受,观察实验室的生活,并逐渐让科学家们参与重点访谈。他的时机恰到好处。班加罗尔在高科技研究和开发方面达到了世界声誉的顶峰,其宜人的气候和国际化的文化是科学家们想要居住的地方。他在当地一所拥有110年历史的著名研究型研究所进行了实地调查。当时,拉丁美洲可与之媲美的城市是巴里洛切、瓜达拉哈拉、圣保罗,不要否认墨西哥城和布宜诺斯艾利斯等大城市的地位。但班加罗尔(按照印度的标准)并不是一个特大城市。在托马斯到来之前,这个实验室的终极领袖有一个绰号,他在团队中被称为“老板”。幸运的是,老板被托马斯对他的团队中科学家的宗教信仰的关注所吸引,并使他成为其中的一员。托马斯成为了“实验室成员”,因此参加了周六上午的小组会议,讨论进一步工作的想法和计划。他被允许在附近的博士生宿舍居住和吃饭。这个研究超快拉曼损失光谱的小组是研究所最大的小组之一。起初,这个小组的35名成员(博士后、博士生、技术人员等)中的大多数人都对托马斯持怀疑态度,最终接受了他,并像所有成功的人种学案例一样,将他视为家具的一部分,背景的一部分。他们甚至欢迎他在2016年回归,接受一些后续采访。托马斯在这个著名的实验室里发现了很高比例的南印度婆罗门和南印度基督徒。在班加罗尔和整个印度的专业科学界(医生、律师、大学教授等)中,这两个群体都有很高的代表性。实验室里也有其他人不是来自这两个群体(例如穆斯林)。但他的主要关注群体是研究团体的成员
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来源期刊
Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology and Society
Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology and Society Social Sciences-Social Sciences (all)
CiteScore
1.60
自引率
0.00%
发文量
39
审稿时长
19 weeks
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