Giving the Fourth Amendment Meaning: Creating an Adversarial Warrant Proceeding to Protect From Unreasonable Searches and Seizures

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Abstract

For at least the past 40 years, police and prosecutors have had free reign in conducting illegal searches and seizures nominally barred by the Fourth Amendment. The breadth of exceptions to the warrant requirement, the lax interpretation of probable cause, and especially the “good faith” doctrine announced in U.S. v. Leon have led to severe violations of privacy rights, trauma to those wrongly searched or seized, and a court system overburdened by police misconduct cases. Most scholars analyzing the issue agree that the rights guaranteed by the Fourth Amendment—to be free from unreasonable search and seizure—have been severely eroded or even eviscerated by the Supreme Court. Some suggest that in order to revitalize the Fourth Amendment, the United States should make it easier to secure civil damages after Fourth Amendment rights have been violated. Others have argued that the United States must guarantee stronger ex ante protections to uphold fundamental privacy rights before they are violated. This Note argues that, while warrant requirements do need to be more stringent to safeguard Fourth Amendment rights, warrant requirements cannot on their own sufficiently protect such a sacred right. This Note proposes the adoption of adversarial warrant proceedings, designed to ensure police and prosecutors meet their probable cause burden and to ensure that any lies or sloppy investigative work are rooted out from a warrant application before a warrant is granted. False searches and arrests can be deeply traumatizing and have excruciating and long-term impacts. For the Fourth Amendment to have any meaningful affect, the People must have an advocate—a Warrants Counsel— fighting for their right to be free from unreasonable searches before that right is violated. The Roberts Court’s destruction of the Fourth Amendment leaves little reason to expect protection from unreasonable search and seizure through litigation. Instead, Congress must create the Warrants Counsel program legislatively. Congress should look to the major success of the Federal Defenders program as a blueprint for zealous advocacy and protection of rights. A Warrants Counsel, like a public defender, would be a government paid attorney, present to argue against probable cause before a magistrate whenever police or prosecutors seek a warrant. Like the Sixth Amendment before the public defender system, the Fourth Amendment desperately needs some structure to give its language meaning; the Warrants Counsel system would counterbalance over-powered police and prosecutors in favor of the People.
赋予第四修正案意义:创建对抗性搜查令程序以防止不合理的搜查和扣押
至少在过去的40年里,警察和检察官可以自由地进行非法搜查和扣押,名义上是美国宪法第四修正案所禁止的。搜查令要求的广泛例外,对可能原因的松散解释,特别是在美国诉莱昂案中宣布的“诚信”原则,导致了对隐私权的严重侵犯,对那些被错误搜查或扣押的人造成了创伤,并导致法院系统因警察不当行为案件而不堪重负。大多数分析这一问题的学者都认为,宪法第四修正案所保障的权利——不受不合理搜查和扣押的权利——已经被最高法院严重侵蚀,甚至被彻底剥夺。有人指出,为了恢复宪法第四修正案的活力,美国应该在宪法第四修正案的权利被侵犯后,使民事损害赔偿更容易得到保障。其他人则认为,美国必须保证更强有力的事前保护,在基本隐私权受到侵犯之前予以维护。本说明认为,虽然手令要求确实需要更严格以保障第四修正案的权利,但手令要求本身并不能充分保护这种神圣的权利。本说明建议采用对抗式手令程序,旨在确保警方和检察官履行其可能的因由责任,并确保在手令获发前,将任何谎言或草率的调查工作从手令申请中剔除。虚假的搜查和逮捕会造成严重的精神创伤,并产生痛苦和长期的影响。为了使第四修正案产生任何有意义的影响,人民必须有一个辩护人——一个搜查令律师——在他们的权利受到侵犯之前为他们免受不合理搜查的权利而战。罗伯茨法院对第四修正案的破坏使人们没有理由期望通过诉讼来保护自己免受不合理的搜查和扣押。相反,国会必须通过立法创建“授权顾问”项目。国会应该把联邦捍卫者计划的重大成功视为积极倡导和保护权利的蓝图。逮捕令律师,就像公设辩护人一样,是政府雇佣的律师,在警察或检察官申请逮捕令时,在地方法官面前就可能的理由进行辩论。就像公设辩护律师制度之前的第六修正案一样,第四修正案迫切需要一些结构来赋予其语言意义;授权律师制度将制衡权力过大的警察和检察官,有利于人民。
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