Vigilantism A 'Twilight Institution': Islamic Vigilante Groups and the State in Post-Suharto Yogyakarta

Mohammad Zaki Arrobi
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

The paper attempts to comprehend the nexus between identity politics, vigilantism, and citizenship within Islamist groups in Yogyakarta in the post-Suharto era. As numerous studies have revealed, post-Suharto era’s democracy in Indonesia has been marked by the persistence of militias, gangs, vigilantism, and street politics. These groups have largely embraced ethnicity, religion, and localism as their symbolism that represents a community that they claim they are defending. The widespread of identity-based groups that frequently breaking the law and public order have been portrayed either as the emergence of ‘uncivil society’ elements that challenging the state authority and threatening the very foundations of civil society and democratic values (see Beittenger, 2009, Jones, 2015, Hefner, 2016) or as the criminals that defend the political and economic interest of the oligarchic elites (Hadiz, 2003:607).  Without rejecting certain degree of fact within these studies, the article suggests that these explanations failed to understand the complexity of such groups and what constitutes their persistence in the local political landscape. This article argues that such groups have exercised a form of citizenship that is characterised by the mobilisation of local support, patronage politics and discourse of localised ‘Islamic populism’. In this regard, it suggests that the prominence of Islamist-vigilante groups in Yogyakarta lies in their role as ‘Twilight institution’ that can channel the citizens into the state institutions not just to negotiating their basic rights such as employment and public service through exploiting violence, patronage, and security business but also to defending their imagined and localised Ummah community.  In doing so, it embraces the notions that boundary between state and non-state is far more complex and often blurred; therefore, it will be fruitful to recognize that the state authority should be regarded as mingled result of the exercise of power by a variety of local institutions and the imposition of external institutions rather than a coherent and fixed institution (Migdal, 2004, Lunds, 2006).In making such arguments, the paper takes the role of Islamist groups in Yogyakarta particularly groups that loosely associated with the Development United Party (PPP) such as Gerakan Pemuda Kaaba (Kaaba Youth Movement), Gerakan Anti Maksiat (Anti-Vice Movement), and Laskar Hizbullah (Hizbullah troops) as the exemplar for elucidating the intersection between identity politics, vigilantism, and citizenship in localized political landscape. The primary data was conducted through in-depth interviews as well as participatory observations during 2014-2016. 
治安维持主义:一个“暮光机构”:伊斯兰治安维持团体和后苏哈托日惹的国家
本文试图理解后苏哈托时代日惹伊斯兰组织内部的身份政治、自卫主义和公民身份之间的联系。大量研究表明,印尼后苏哈托时代的民主以民兵、帮派、治安维持主义和街头政治的持续存在为特征。这些团体在很大程度上接受了种族、宗教和地方主义作为他们的象征,代表着他们声称要捍卫的社区。频繁违反法律和公共秩序的基于身份的群体的广泛存在,要么被描述为挑战国家权威并威胁公民社会和民主价值观基础的“非公民社会”元素的出现(见Beittenger, 2009, Jones, 2015, Hefner, 2016),要么被描述为捍卫寡头精英政治和经济利益的罪犯(Hadiz, 2003:607)。在不否认这些研究中一定程度的事实的情况下,文章指出,这些解释未能理解这些群体的复杂性以及是什么构成了他们在当地政治格局中的持久性。本文认为,这些团体已经行使了一种公民形式,其特点是动员当地支持,赞助政治和本地化的“伊斯兰民粹主义”话语。在这方面,它表明日惹的伊斯兰义警团体的突出在于他们作为“暮光机构”的角色,可以引导公民进入国家机构,不仅可以通过利用暴力,庇护和安全业务来谈判他们的基本权利,如就业和公共服务,而且还可以捍卫他们想象的和本地化的Ummah社区。在这样做的过程中,它接受了这样的观念:国家与非国家之间的界限要复杂得多,而且往往是模糊的;因此,认识到国家权力应该被视为各种地方机构行使权力和强加于外部机构的混合结果,而不是一个连贯和固定的机构,这将是富有成效的(Migdal, 2004, Lunds, 2006)。在提出这样的论点时,本文以日惹的伊斯兰组织的角色为例,特别是与发展统一党(PPP)有松散联系的组织,如克尔巴青年运动(Gerakan Pemuda Kaaba)、反堕落运动(Gerakan Anti Maksiat)和真主党(Laskar Hizbullah),作为阐明本地政治景观中身份政治、警戒主义和公民身份之间交叉关系的范例。在2014-2016年期间,通过深度访谈和参与式观察获得了主要数据。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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