The Five-Day War and Transnational Politics: A Semiospace Spanning the Borders between Georgia, Russia, and Ossetia

Q2 Social Sciences
K. Matsuzato
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To put it differently, this is a case study of transnational politics.This article is a byproduct of my research on the Joint Control Commission for Georgian-Ossetian Conflict Resolution (JCC), which was active from 1992 to 2008.1 When I first visited Vladikavkaz in January 2009, I started conducting interviews to learn \"objective\" information about the JCC. Before long, I became fascinated by my subjects' narratives, which were full of wit and humor despite their unpleasant memories of the war. When I visited Georgia in March 2009, meetings, demonstrations, and rock concerts demanding the resignation of (or criminal sanctions against) Georgian president Mikheil Saakashvili, attended by thousands of participants, were held every day. I collected as many commentaries and stories from the opposition leaders as possible, conveyed them to the South Ossetian experts, and asked them whether the new tendencies in Georgian society were worth making them rethink their relations with Georgia. I essentially tried to organize virtual debates between the experts severed from each other by the military line after August 2008. This method of virtual debate is often used in historiographical studies.2In this article, I organize the further analyses according to questions that both Georgian and Ossetian experts recognize as relevant: (1) Who started the war, Russia or Georgia? (2) If Georgia started the war, was this because Saakashvili was trapped by Russia? (3) Why did Russian troops march toward Tskhinval so slowly, thus inflicting evitable casualties on the South Ossetians? (4) Was the creation of Dmitry Sanakoev's government a provocation or an attempt at peace? (5) Can Georgia expect to reunify South Ossetia in the future, despite the atrocities in August 2008? and (6) Should the Georgian nation bear collective responsibility for the Five-Day War?I will try to convey the experts' lively voices, particularly those of the Georgian opposition and the South Ossetians. In doing so, I hope to demonstrate that a virtual transnational semiospace of Georgian and Ossetian experts continues to exist, even after the Five-Day War.Theoretical Proposition: Why Can the Unrecognized States Be a Nursery for Transnational Politics?As a theoretical proposition let me explain what significance my focus on unrecognized states may have in transnational studies. By unrecognized states, I mean the four polities that emerged during the collapse of the Soviet Union: Nagorny Karabakh, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistria. I continue to regard Abkhazia and South Ossetia as unrecognized states, since recognition only by Russia, Nicaragua, and possibly a few other countries will hardly change their international status, although it has drastically improved their military security.Criticism of a state-centered understanding of world politics and attention to nonstate actors has a long history, traceable at least to the classic work by Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye.3 If Keohane and Nye promulgated a new research agenda for transnational politics, twenty-three years later, Thomas Risse-Kappen and others tried to specify the agenda.4 Criticizing Keohane and Nye's zero-sum understanding of relations between transnational and traditional interstate politics, Risse-Kappen and his contributors examined under what conditions transnational, nonstate actors matter. …","PeriodicalId":39667,"journal":{"name":"Demokratizatsiya","volume":"1 1","pages":"228-250"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2009-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"3","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Demokratizatsiya","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.3200/DEMO.17.3.228-250","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"Social Sciences","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3

Abstract

A draft of this article was submitted to the conference, "Putin's Blueprint and the Five-Day War in Georgia: Security and Political Implications in the CEE/CIS and U.S. Policy," held on April 6, 2009, at Heldref Publications in Washington, DC.In this article, I scrutinize the impact of the Five-Day War of 2008 on the domestic politics of the Black Sea countries. Rather than focusing on one country involved in the war-either Georgia, Russia, or the de facto Ossetian polity (combining its northern and southern territories)-I try to show the existence of a political semiotic space spanning the borders of Georgia, Russia, and Ossetia that emerged as a result of two decades of conflict regulation and continues to function even after the Five-Day War. To put it differently, this is a case study of transnational politics.This article is a byproduct of my research on the Joint Control Commission for Georgian-Ossetian Conflict Resolution (JCC), which was active from 1992 to 2008.1 When I first visited Vladikavkaz in January 2009, I started conducting interviews to learn "objective" information about the JCC. Before long, I became fascinated by my subjects' narratives, which were full of wit and humor despite their unpleasant memories of the war. When I visited Georgia in March 2009, meetings, demonstrations, and rock concerts demanding the resignation of (or criminal sanctions against) Georgian president Mikheil Saakashvili, attended by thousands of participants, were held every day. I collected as many commentaries and stories from the opposition leaders as possible, conveyed them to the South Ossetian experts, and asked them whether the new tendencies in Georgian society were worth making them rethink their relations with Georgia. I essentially tried to organize virtual debates between the experts severed from each other by the military line after August 2008. This method of virtual debate is often used in historiographical studies.2In this article, I organize the further analyses according to questions that both Georgian and Ossetian experts recognize as relevant: (1) Who started the war, Russia or Georgia? (2) If Georgia started the war, was this because Saakashvili was trapped by Russia? (3) Why did Russian troops march toward Tskhinval so slowly, thus inflicting evitable casualties on the South Ossetians? (4) Was the creation of Dmitry Sanakoev's government a provocation or an attempt at peace? (5) Can Georgia expect to reunify South Ossetia in the future, despite the atrocities in August 2008? and (6) Should the Georgian nation bear collective responsibility for the Five-Day War?I will try to convey the experts' lively voices, particularly those of the Georgian opposition and the South Ossetians. In doing so, I hope to demonstrate that a virtual transnational semiospace of Georgian and Ossetian experts continues to exist, even after the Five-Day War.Theoretical Proposition: Why Can the Unrecognized States Be a Nursery for Transnational Politics?As a theoretical proposition let me explain what significance my focus on unrecognized states may have in transnational studies. By unrecognized states, I mean the four polities that emerged during the collapse of the Soviet Union: Nagorny Karabakh, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistria. I continue to regard Abkhazia and South Ossetia as unrecognized states, since recognition only by Russia, Nicaragua, and possibly a few other countries will hardly change their international status, although it has drastically improved their military security.Criticism of a state-centered understanding of world politics and attention to nonstate actors has a long history, traceable at least to the classic work by Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye.3 If Keohane and Nye promulgated a new research agenda for transnational politics, twenty-three years later, Thomas Risse-Kappen and others tried to specify the agenda.4 Criticizing Keohane and Nye's zero-sum understanding of relations between transnational and traditional interstate politics, Risse-Kappen and his contributors examined under what conditions transnational, nonstate actors matter. …
五天战争与跨国政治:跨越格鲁吉亚、俄罗斯和奥塞梯边界的半空间
这篇文章的草稿提交给了2009年4月6日在华盛顿赫尔德雷夫出版社举行的“普京的蓝图和格鲁吉亚五天战争:中东欧/独联体和美国政策的安全和政治影响”会议。在这篇文章中,我仔细研究了2008年五天战争对黑海国家国内政治的影响。我并没有把注意力集中在一个卷入战争的国家——格鲁吉亚、俄罗斯或事实上的奥塞梯政体(结合其北部和南部领土)——我试图展示跨越格鲁吉亚、俄罗斯和奥塞梯边界的政治符号空间的存在,这种空间是20年冲突管制的结果,即使在5天战争之后仍在继续发挥作用。换句话说,这是一个跨国政治的案例研究。这篇文章是我对格鲁吉亚-奥塞梯冲突解决联合控制委员会(JCC)研究的副产品,该委员会于1992年至2008年活跃。当我于2009年1月第一次访问弗拉季卡夫卡兹时,我开始进行采访,以了解有关JCC的“客观”信息。没过多久,我就被我的拍摄对象的叙述迷住了,尽管他们对战争有着不愉快的回忆,但他们的叙述却充满了机智和幽默。2009年3月我访问格鲁吉亚时,每天都有成千上万的人参加会议、示威游行和摇滚音乐会,要求格鲁吉亚总统萨卡什维利(Mikheil Saakashvili)辞职(或对其进行刑事制裁)。我尽可能多地收集反对派领导人的评论和故事,把它们传达给南奥塞梯专家,问他们格鲁吉亚社会的新趋势是否值得让他们重新考虑与格鲁吉亚的关系。从本质上讲,我试图在2008年8月之后被军事分界线分隔开的专家之间组织虚拟辩论。这种虚拟辩论的方法常用于史学研究。在这篇文章中,我根据格鲁吉亚和奥塞梯专家认为相关的问题组织了进一步的分析:(1)谁发动了战争,俄罗斯还是格鲁吉亚?如果格鲁吉亚发动战争,是因为萨卡什维利被俄罗斯困住了吗?(3)为什么俄军向茨欣瓦尔进军如此缓慢,从而给南奥塞梯人造成不可避免的伤亡?(4)德米特里·萨纳科耶夫政府的成立是一种挑衅还是一种和平的尝试?(5)尽管2008年8月发生了暴行,格鲁吉亚还能指望将来统一南奥塞梯吗?(6)格鲁吉亚民族是否应该为五天战争承担集体责任?我将努力传达专家们的生动声音,特别是格鲁吉亚反对派和南奥塞梯人的声音。通过这样做,我希望证明,即使在五天战争之后,格鲁吉亚和奥塞梯专家的虚拟跨国符号空间仍然存在。理论命题:为什么不被承认的国家可以成为跨国政治的温床?作为一个理论命题,让我来解释一下我对未被承认国家的关注在跨国研究中可能具有的意义。所谓未被承认的国家,我指的是苏联解体期间出现的四种政体:纳戈尔内卡拉巴赫、阿布哈兹、南奥塞梯和德涅斯特河沿岸。我仍然认为阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯是未被承认的国家,因为只有俄罗斯、尼加拉瓜,可能还有其他几个国家承认,尽管这极大地改善了它们的军事安全,但几乎不会改变它们的国际地位。对以国家为中心理解世界政治和关注非国家行为体的批评由来已久,至少可以追溯到罗伯特·o·基奥汉和约瑟夫·s·奈的经典著作。如果说基奥汉和奈为跨国政治颁布了一个新的研究议程,那么23年后,托马斯·里斯-卡彭和其他人则试图详细说明这一议程Risse-Kappen和他的合作者批评了Keohane和Nye对跨国和传统州际政治之间关系的零和理解,研究了跨国的、非国家的行为体在什么条件下是重要的。…
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来源期刊
Demokratizatsiya
Demokratizatsiya Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: Occupying a unique niche among literary journals, ANQ is filled with short, incisive research-based articles about the literature of the English-speaking world and the language of literature. Contributors unravel obscure allusions, explain sources and analogues, and supply variant manuscript readings. Also included are Old English word studies, textual emendations, and rare correspondence from neglected archives. The journal is an essential source for professors and students, as well as archivists, bibliographers, biographers, editors, lexicographers, and textual scholars. With subjects from Chaucer and Milton to Fitzgerald and Welty, ANQ delves into the heart of literature.
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