Instant Messaging Among Teens: An Exploratory Look at Gender and Time Usage

J. Lloyd, Peggy Meszaros, Ben Gotow
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

It is a classic image deeply entrenched in the mind of the 20th century American parent: an adolescent girl with a phone to her ear. Chatting with friends she left only moments ago, she paces the floor tethered to the wall by the 3-foot cord. In clear sight of her parents and siblings, her conversational content and time usage are subject to constant scrutiny and review. But in reality, the networking habits of today's teen bear little resemblance to this once classic image. The landline telephone has long been replaced by the cell phone (Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2004) and the Internet, particularly instant messaging (IM), is well on its way to becoming the communication medium of choice for teens (Guidry, 2004; Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2004; Grinter & Palen, 2002).Yet even as IM has become mired in the life of the American teenager (Guidry, 2004) many unanswered questions related to gender and time use remain. It has been determined, for example, that women are more relationship oriented than men (Boneva, et al., 2001), and that women invest more in personal relationships and maintain a more extensive social network (Moore, 1990; Walker, 1994; Wellman, 1992). Women are also more frequent users of the telephone (Walker, 1994) and heavier users of email (Boneva, Kraut & Frohlich, 2001). But does it follow that adolescent girls are more likely to be heavy IM users than adolescent boys? Do girls participate in Internet web-blog communities, such as Xanga.com, more frequently than boys?Grinter and Eldridge (2001) raised issues of public versus private space as they emphasized that the popularity of IM among teens stems from their need to socialize with friends while confined to their homes. Hellenga (2002) reinforces this notion, stating that peer-based connectedness is especially important for adolescents. Grinter and Palen (2002) further suggest that teens use IM to carve out a private world within the public space of home. Parents, by definition, are not included in this private space, thus it becomes difficult to determine just how much time their teens are spending on IM. Subrahmanyam, Kraut, Greenfield, and Gross (2000) have shown that most parents believe that purchasing a computer for their teen will give them an educational advantage, but if teens are multitasking between homework and IM, or remaining online IMing with friends long after their parents have gone to bed, this advantage will quickly disappear.Using self-reported phone surveys and focus groups, the Pew Internet & American Life Project (2005), an independent non-profit organization, has provided a wealth of information about teens and the use of IM. As suggested by Reynolds (1971), however, this exploratory study utilized naturalistic observation via a computer program called Buddy Tracker. Written by a member of our research team, this innovative approach allowed us to monitor and record the IM usage of our sample population thereby providing a snap shot of actual, rather than self-reported, teen IM usage.Numerous studies suggest that extended computer use among children may be linked to an increase risk of obesity, seizures, and hand injuries (Subrahmanyan, et al., 2000). Yet, the Pew Internet & American Life Project (2005) highlights a growth in computer usage among teens of roughly 24% in the last five years. Clearly it is important to know how much time teens are actually spending online, particularly when utilizing IM.Literature ReviewAdolescence is defined by a strong need for numerous friendships and peer-group affiliations. (Boneva, Quinn, Kraut, Kiesler and Shlovski, in press.) In addition, this developmental period is typically defined by the need for person-to-person communication with friends (Boneva, et al., in press.). Kyratzi (2004) also emphasizes the need for peer communication as a means of establishing and maintain peer culture. She asserts that peer talk is an essential device teens utilize to display their identities and ideologies. …
青少年中的即时通讯:性别和时间使用的探索性观察
这是一个经典的形象,深深扎根于20世纪美国父母的脑海中:一个青春期的女孩,耳边贴着电话。她一边和刚刚离开的朋友聊天,一边用3英尺长的绳子把地板系在墙上,在地板上踱步。在她父母和兄弟姐妹的眼皮底下,她的谈话内容和时间使用都受到不断的审查和审查。但在现实中,当今青少年的网络习惯与这一曾经的经典形象几乎没有相似之处。固定电话早已被手机所取代(Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2004),互联网,尤其是即时通讯(IM),正逐渐成为青少年首选的通讯媒介(Guidry, 2004;皮尤互联网与美国生活项目,2004;Grinter & Palen, 2002)。然而,即使即时通讯已经在美国青少年的生活中陷入困境(Guidry, 2004),许多与性别和时间使用有关的未解之谜仍然存在。例如,已经确定,女性比男性更注重关系(Boneva等人,2001),女性在个人关系上投入更多,并保持更广泛的社会网络(Moore, 1990;沃克,1994;Wellman, 1992)。女性也更频繁地使用电话(Walker, 1994),更频繁地使用电子邮件(Boneva, Kraut & Frohlich, 2001)。但这是否意味着青春期的女孩比青春期的男孩更有可能成为重度IM用户呢?女孩是否比男孩更频繁地参与互联网博客社区,比如Xanga.com ?Grinter和Eldridge(2001)提出了公共空间与私人空间的问题,他们强调即时通讯在青少年中的流行源于他们需要在家中与朋友进行社交。Hellenga(2002)强化了这一观点,指出基于同伴的联系对青少年尤其重要。Grinter和Palen(2002)进一步指出,青少年使用即时通讯是为了在家庭的公共空间中开辟一个私人世界。根据定义,父母不包括在这个私人空间内,因此很难确定他们的孩子在IM上花了多少时间。Subrahmanyam, Kraut, Greenfield和Gross(2000)已经表明,大多数父母认为给他们的孩子买一台电脑会给他们带来教育上的优势,但如果青少年在做作业和即时通讯之间进行多任务处理,或者在父母睡觉后很长一段时间还在网上和朋友聊天,这种优势很快就会消失。皮尤互联网与美国生活项目(2005)是一个独立的非营利组织,通过自我报告的电话调查和焦点小组,提供了大量关于青少年和即时通讯使用的信息。然而,正如Reynolds(1971)所建议的那样,这项探索性研究利用了一种名为Buddy Tracker的计算机程序进行自然观察。这个创新的方法是由我们研究小组的一名成员编写的,它允许我们监控和记录样本人群的即时通讯使用情况,从而提供一个实际的、而不是自我报告的青少年即时通讯使用情况的快照。大量研究表明,儿童长时间使用电脑可能会增加肥胖、癫痫发作和手部受伤的风险(Subrahmanyan等人,2000年)。然而,皮尤互联网与美国生活项目(2005)强调,在过去五年中,青少年使用电脑的人数增长了大约24%。很明显,了解青少年实际花在网上的时间是很重要的,尤其是在使用即时通讯工具的时候。文献综述青春期的定义是对大量友谊和同伴团体关系的强烈需求。(博内娃、奎因、克劳特、基斯勒和什洛夫斯基报道。)此外,这一发展期通常由与朋友之间的人际交流需求来定义(Boneva等人,出版中)。Kyratzi(2004)还强调了同伴交流作为建立和维持同伴文化的一种手段的必要性。她断言,同龄人之间的谈话是青少年用来展示他们的身份和意识形态的重要手段。...
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