Tilting at Windmills: School Reform, San Diego, and America's Race to Renew Public Education

Q3 Social Sciences
N. Glazer
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The remedies that the new leaders proposed and implemented were also similar: bringing in the best consultants, introducing new curricula, removing and replacing the principals of poorly performing schools, adding math and reading coaches, requiring summer staff training, bringing in charter school organizers to manage the worst-performing schools. Yet San Diego became notorious for the fierce resistance of its teachers union, abetted by school board members, to any and all efforts at change, whereas there is hardly any reference to the role of the unions in Cuban's account of Austin. Cuban, writing in 2010 of Forgione's success there, notes, \"his performance matched that of big-city superintendents ... such as Carl Cohn of Long Beach, California, Beverly Hall in Atlanta, and Tom Payzant in Boston.\" Bersin is striking for his absence from this list: Carl Cohn, who succeeded him in San Diego, did not last two years, apparently driven out by the atmosphere of incessant and poisonous conflict that prevailed even after Bersin left. Bersin was one of that group of reforming superintendents who were being brought in at the time from outside the world of education to manage big-city systems, the most prominent being Joel Klein in New York City. School boards and mayors thought these leaders could do what those professionalized in the world of education could not. 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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Harvard Education Press, 2013, $29.95; 296 pages. By Richard Colvin Reading this account of Alan Bersin's successful, by the test scores, but highly contentious time as school superintendent in San Diego, 1998-2005, I could not help but think back to an account of another successful superintendency, that of Pat Forgione in the Austin, Texas, public schools, related in Larry Cuban's book As Good As it Gets (see "Lessons from a Reformer," book reviews, Fall 2010). The challenges were similar: substantial gaps between black and Latino and white and Asian schoolchildren, school systems in disarray, and school boards looking for strong leadership. The remedies that the new leaders proposed and implemented were also similar: bringing in the best consultants, introducing new curricula, removing and replacing the principals of poorly performing schools, adding math and reading coaches, requiring summer staff training, bringing in charter school organizers to manage the worst-performing schools. Yet San Diego became notorious for the fierce resistance of its teachers union, abetted by school board members, to any and all efforts at change, whereas there is hardly any reference to the role of the unions in Cuban's account of Austin. Cuban, writing in 2010 of Forgione's success there, notes, "his performance matched that of big-city superintendents ... such as Carl Cohn of Long Beach, California, Beverly Hall in Atlanta, and Tom Payzant in Boston." Bersin is striking for his absence from this list: Carl Cohn, who succeeded him in San Diego, did not last two years, apparently driven out by the atmosphere of incessant and poisonous conflict that prevailed even after Bersin left. Bersin was one of that group of reforming superintendents who were being brought in at the time from outside the world of education to manage big-city systems, the most prominent being Joel Klein in New York City. School boards and mayors thought these leaders could do what those professionalized in the world of education could not. Bersin, Colvin tells us, the son of "Russian immigrants" (better described as Eastern European Jews) in Brooklyn, had "benefited from a rigorous public school education" (though there is no mention of his attending one of New York City's examination high schools); gone on to Harvard, Oxford (as a Rhodes Scholar, in the same class as Bill Clinton), and Yale Law School; and enjoyed a successful legal career culminating in service as the U.S. attorney for the Southern District of California. Clearly, only his desire for further challenging and serious public service could have led him to consider the superintendency of the troubled San Diego public schools, the eighth-largest school district in the United States. Two members of the five-member school board, strong supporters of the teachers union, were doubtful about him, though Bersin was a Democrat and should have been considered sympathetic to unions. Bersin jumped into the job with remarkable vigor. Months before taking office, he engaged in an extended effort to educate himself on the problems and prospects of urban-school district management. He "brought in a consultant to map out the various district offices and what they did.... To counter the instinctive wariness [that accompanied his appointment] Bersin did all he could to assure everyone that student achievement, good teaching and equity were his primary concern.... [He] formed a transition committee that included the head of the teachers union, the nonteaching employee unions ... administrators ... and representatives of parent and ethnic communities." The main interest of the transition committee seemed to be to voice complaints, and it met only once. He interviewed 20 of the district's top leaders, received many solicited and unsolicited messages, reflecting what he called "a deep sadness, a disturbing fatalism at the root." [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] He flew to Cambridge, Massachusetts, to consult with faculty at the Harvard Graduate School of Education and learned of Tony Alvarado, the former New York City schools chancellor and head of District 4 on the East Side of Manhattan, where he had had remarkable success in raising achievement in a district dominated by minority students. …
向风车倾斜:学校改革,圣地亚哥和美国更新公共教育的竞赛
哈佛教育出版社,2013年,29.95美元;296页。读到艾伦·贝尔辛(Alan Bersin) 1998年至2005年在圣地亚哥(San Diego)担任校长期间的成功经历,我不禁回想起另一个成功的校长经历,那就是德克萨斯州奥斯汀(Austin)公立学校的帕特·福格内(Pat fogone),拉里·库班(Larry Cuban)的《尽到最好》(as Good as it Gets)一书中提到的(见《改革者的教训》,书评,2010年秋季)。挑战是相似的:黑人和拉丁裔、白人和亚裔学生之间存在巨大差距,学校系统混乱,学校董事会需要强有力的领导。新领导人提出并实施的补救措施也很相似:引进最好的顾问,引入新课程,撤换表现不佳学校的校长,增加数学和阅读教练,要求暑期员工培训,聘请特许学校组织者来管理表现最差的学校。然而,圣地亚哥因其教师工会在学校董事会成员的怂恿下对任何和所有改革努力的激烈抵制而臭名昭著,而在库班对奥斯汀的描述中,几乎没有提到工会的作用。2010年,库班在谈到福莫内在那里的成功时写道:“他的表现堪比大城市的校长……比如加州长滩的卡尔·科恩、亚特兰大的贝弗利·霍尔和波士顿的汤姆·佩赞特。”贝尔辛在这份名单上的缺席令人震惊:接替他在圣地亚哥的卡尔·科恩(Carl Cohn)任职不到两年,显然是被贝尔辛离开后持续不断、充满敌意的冲突氛围所驱离的。伯辛是一群改革督学中的一员他们当时从教育领域之外被请来管理大城市的教育系统,其中最著名的是纽约的乔尔·克莱因。学校董事会和市长们认为,这些领导者可以做到那些在教育界专业人士做不到的事情。科尔文告诉我们,伯尔辛是布鲁克林“俄罗斯移民”(更确切地说,是东欧犹太人)的儿子,他“受益于严格的公立学校教育”(尽管书中没有提到他曾就读于纽约市的一所考试高中);后来去了哈佛大学、牛津大学(作为罗德学者,和比尔·克林顿同班)和耶鲁大学法学院;并拥有成功的法律生涯,最终担任加州南区联邦检察官。显然,只有他对进一步挑战和严肃的公共服务的渴望,才会促使他考虑对陷入困境的圣地亚哥公立学校(美国第八大学区)进行监管。学校董事会的五名成员中有两名是教师工会的坚定支持者,他们对他表示怀疑,尽管贝尔辛是民主党人,应该被认为是同情工会的。贝尔辛以非凡的精力投入了这项工作。在上任前几个月,他花了很长时间自学城市学区管理的问题和前景。他“请了一位顾问来规划各个地区办事处及其职责....为了对抗(伴随他的任命而来的)本能的警惕,贝尔辛尽他所能向每个人保证,学生的成绩、良好的教学和公平是他最关心的....(他)成立了一个过渡委员会,其中包括教师工会、非教学雇员工会的负责人……管理员……以及家长和族裔社区的代表。”过渡委员会的主要兴趣似乎是表达不满,而且只开了一次会。他采访了该地区的20位最高领导人,收到了许多主动和主动的信息,反映了他所说的“一种深深的悲伤,一种令人不安的宿命论的根源”。他飞到马萨诸塞州的剑桥市,向哈佛大学教育研究生院(Harvard Graduate School of Education)的教员们进行咨询,并了解到托尼·阿尔瓦拉多(Tony Alvarado)的情况。托尼·阿尔瓦拉多是前纽约市学校校长,也是曼哈顿东区第四学区的负责人,他在这个以少数族裔学生为主的学区提高学生成绩方面取得了显著的成功。…
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来源期刊
Education Next
Education Next Social Sciences-Education
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