Education and Revolutions (Why Do Some Revolutions Take up Arms while Others Do Not?)

IF 2.9 1区 哲学 Q1 ETHICS
V. Ustyuzhanin, L. Grinin, I. Medvedev, Andrey Korotayev
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引用次数: 4

Abstract

Despite the existence of numerous hypotheses about what factors influence protesters’ choice of armed vs. unarmed struggle tactics, today there is a dearth of global, quantitative cross-national studies aimed at identifying the reasons why revolutions take a violent vs. a non-violent form. The article attempts to fill one of the gaps existing here by conducting a crossnational analysis of the relationship between education and the type of revolutionary action. Based on the existing literature, the authors document several mechanisms that nudge educated people to choose unarmed forms of protest. In particular, education makes people more receptive to liberal-democratic valu es (including recognition and respect for the rights of others), promotes the development of tolerance and a culture of peaceful discussion, as well as increases human capital, which, on the one hand, makes it possible to successfully use non-violent instruments to defend one’s interests, and, on the other hand, increases the relative costs of participating in armed uprisings. Hence, the authors put forward a hypothesis, according to which in countries with a higher percentage of the population with formal education, the likelihood of armed revolutionary uprisings will decrease. The analysis of 387 revolutionary events that took place in the world from 1950 to 2019 conducted via cross-tabulation, correlation and regression methods, fully confirms the hypothesis: high level of education is indeed a strong and significant predictor of the unarmed nature of revolutionary upheavals. The correlation is especially high between the proportion of revolutionary events and the average number of years of schooling (in the logged form), which approaches the level of functional depen dence. Therefore, the factor of education has the maximum influence on the nature of revolutionary uprisings precisely in the early stages of modernization.
教育与革命(为什么有些革命拿起武器而有些革命没有?)
尽管存在许多关于影响抗议者选择武装与非武装斗争策略的因素的假设,但今天缺乏旨在确定革命采取暴力与非暴力形式的原因的全球,定量的跨国研究。本文试图通过对教育与革命行动类型之间的关系进行跨国分析,来填补这里存在的一个空白。基于现有文献,作者记录了几种促使受过教育的人选择非武装抗议形式的机制。特别是,教育使人们更容易接受自由民主的价值观(包括承认和尊重他人的权利),促进宽容和和平讨论文化的发展,以及增加人力资本,这一方面使人们有可能成功地使用非暴力手段来捍卫自己的利益,另一方面,增加了参与武装起义的相对成本。因此,作者提出了一个假设,根据这个假设,在受过正规教育的人口比例较高的国家,武装革命起义的可能性会降低。通过交叉表法、相关法和回归法,对1950年至2019年世界上发生的387起革命事件进行了分析,充分证实了这一假设:高教育水平确实是革命动荡非武装性质的有力而重要的预测因素。革命事件的比例与平均受教育年数(以日志形式)之间的相关性尤其高,接近功能依赖的水平。因此,教育因素对革命起义性质的影响最大,恰恰是在现代化初期。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
4.10
自引率
5.60%
发文量
17
期刊介绍: The Journal of Political Philosophy is an international journal devoted to the study of theoretical issues arising out of moral, legal and political life. It welcomes, and hopes to foster, work cutting across a variety of disciplinary concerns, among them philosophy, sociology, history, economics and political science. The journal encourages new approaches, including (but not limited to): feminism; environmentalism; critical theory, post-modernism and analytical Marxism; social and public choice theory; law and economics, critical legal studies and critical race studies; and game theoretic, socio-biological and anthropological approaches to politics. It also welcomes work in the history of political thought which builds to a larger philosophical point and work in the philosophy of the social sciences and applied ethics with broader political implications. Featuring a distinguished editorial board from major centres of thought from around the globe, the journal draws equally upon the work of non-philosophers and philosophers and provides a forum of debate between disparate factions who usually keep to their own separate journals.
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