Imagined Communities in an Integrating Baltic Region

Q2 Social Sciences
M. Ardovino
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In December 2006, the Estonian government ordered a bronze statue of a Soviet soldier moved from a square in Tallinn to a more obscure location. The statue, which had been erected in 1947, was regarded by ethnic Estonians as a symbol of Soviet occupation and had become an icon of what Benedict Anderson would call old space.1 The statue was perceived to be a symbol of an earlier imperialistic and colonial Soviet occupying force. However, the large ethnic-Russian population in Estonia perceived it as a symbol of liberation from the Nazis, and the Russian Duma responded by denouncing the move. As might be true of a newspaper or a museum, many saw the statue as a tool in promoting an illegitimate identity for many ethnic Estonians.2 The statue's removal would more easily permit the creation (or re-creation) of a new space and a new time for Estonia. Ethnic Estonians, both politicians and the voters who elect them, would consolidate their own imagined community.Investigating Baltic Manifestations of Imagined CommunitiesThe entry of several former Warsaw Pact states into NATO and the EU has made national and ethnic identity issues within these countries more visible and politically sensitive. The nine former Communist societies (with the exception of Slovenia) have a unique perspective on this rapid and large-scale governance and economic change after having spent decades under the political and military tutelage of the Soviet Union. How imagined communities affect the larger European integration movement is not exactly clear. However, public opinion in Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia demonstrates that there are differences based on several factors, making the Baltic states an even more distinct part of the former Warsaw Pact countries. Survey data indicate that not every ethnic group within these societies supports joining the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). One factor of possible importance might be the manifestation of imagined communities. Baltic societies are characterized as having pervasive ethnic divisions, with Russians being the dominant minority. Because the region has been considered an important part of the "near abroad" by tsarist Russian, Soviet, and modern Russian policymakers, any further loss of Moscow's political and economic influence caused by integration with Europe would conceivably put greater pressure on the Russian government to react. Concomitantly, minority ethnic Russians living in the near abroad might experience greater hardship, as they are politically and culturally separated from their homeland. In these cases, there is a two-way dynamic as Baltic imagined communities interact not only in a state and regional context but also in an international one.According to surveys, up to the point of accession, Estonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians all saw membership in the EU and NATO differently from other ethnic groups and might have taken a different electoral stance if given the chance. In other words, individual economic and social circumstances, as well as political histories, would have influenced voters' attitudes if plebiscites had been held.In this article, I address why voters in the Baltic countries of the EU may have preferred membership in the EU and NATO-organizations with somewhat different objectives. First, I briefly consider the manifestation of imagined communities in Europe, including the Baltics, before and during the Cold War. Next, I discuss the role that the EU and NATO might have played in reference to imagined communities in the Baltics after the Cold War. After that, I briefly discuss the Baltic experience of economic and military integration. Next, I introduce survey data and several empirical analyses expressing how the existence of imagined communities may have impacted public opinion leading to the accessions of the Baltic countries to NATO. Other economic and political factors, such as personal income and satisfaction with democracy, are controlled for and included in these analyses. …
一体化波罗的海地区的想象共同体
2006年12月,爱沙尼亚政府下令将一尊苏联士兵的铜像从塔林的一个广场移到一个更偏僻的地方。这座雕像建于1947年,被爱沙尼亚人视为苏联占领的象征,并已成为本尼迪克特·安德森所说的旧空间的象征这座雕像被认为是早期帝国主义和殖民主义苏联占领军的象征。然而,爱沙尼亚大量的俄罗斯族人将其视为从纳粹手中解放出来的象征,俄罗斯杜马对此予以谴责。就像报纸或博物馆一样,许多人认为雕像是促进许多爱沙尼亚人非法身份的工具。2雕像的拆除将更容易为爱沙尼亚创造(或再创造)一个新空间和新时代。爱沙尼亚人,无论是政治家还是选举他们的选民,都将巩固他们自己想象中的共同体。调查波罗的海想象共同体的表现几个前华沙条约国家加入北约和欧盟使得这些国家内部的民族和种族认同问题更加明显和政治敏感。九个前共产主义国家(斯洛文尼亚除外)在经历了苏联几十年的政治和军事监护之后,对这种迅速而大规模的治理和经济变革有着独特的看法。想象中的共同体如何影响更大范围的欧洲一体化运动,目前还不十分清楚。然而,拉脱维亚、立陶宛和爱沙尼亚的民意表明,基于几个因素存在差异,使波罗的海国家成为前华沙条约国家中更加明显的一部分。调查数据表明,并非这些社会中的每个族裔群体都支持加入欧洲联盟和北大西洋公约组织。一个可能重要的因素可能是想象社区的表现。波罗的海社会的特点是普遍存在种族分裂,俄罗斯人是占主导地位的少数民族。由于该地区被沙俄、苏联和现代俄罗斯决策者视为“近邻”的重要组成部分,可以想象,由于与欧洲一体化而导致的莫斯科政治和经济影响力的进一步丧失,将给俄罗斯政府带来更大的压力,迫使其做出反应。与此同时,生活在国外的俄罗斯少数民族可能会经历更大的困难,因为他们在政治和文化上与祖国分离。在这些情况下,波罗的海想象中的社区不仅在国家和区域范围内而且在国际范围内相互作用,这是一种双向动态。调查显示,在加入欧盟之前,爱沙尼亚人、拉脱维亚人和立陶宛人对加入欧盟和北约的看法都与其他民族不同,如果有机会的话,他们可能会采取不同的选举立场。换句话说,如果举行公民投票,个人的经济和社会环境以及政治历史会影响选民的态度。在这篇文章中,我解释了为什么波罗的海国家的选民可能更愿意加入欧盟和北约——这些组织的目标有些不同。首先,我简要地考虑了想象中的共同体在冷战前和冷战期间在欧洲(包括波罗的海国家)的表现。接下来,我将讨论欧盟和北约在冷战后对波罗的海国家想象中的共同体可能发挥的作用。之后,我将简要讨论波罗的海在经济和军事一体化方面的经验。接下来,我介绍了调查数据和一些实证分析,说明想象共同体的存在可能如何影响公众舆论,导致波罗的海国家加入北约。其他经济和政治因素,如个人收入和对民主的满意度,都被控制并包括在这些分析中。…
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来源期刊
Demokratizatsiya
Demokratizatsiya Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: Occupying a unique niche among literary journals, ANQ is filled with short, incisive research-based articles about the literature of the English-speaking world and the language of literature. Contributors unravel obscure allusions, explain sources and analogues, and supply variant manuscript readings. Also included are Old English word studies, textual emendations, and rare correspondence from neglected archives. The journal is an essential source for professors and students, as well as archivists, bibliographers, biographers, editors, lexicographers, and textual scholars. With subjects from Chaucer and Milton to Fitzgerald and Welty, ANQ delves into the heart of literature.
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