Diamond Warriors in Colonial Namibia: Diamond Smuggling, Migrant Workers and Development in Owamboland

E. Sewordor
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Abstract

trade and the trade in commodities such as coffee, cotton and sugar cane. This era of transition also saw Luanda’s population grow from 5605 at the end of 1844 to 12,565 in 1850. This dramatic population increase was largely due to the end of the slave trade. In addition, Northern European demand for tropical commodities led to an expansion in local slave labor to work Angolan plantations. Of the 12,565 people in Luanda, 6,020 or 45% were enslaved. Oliveira argues that during this period slavery became increasingly harsh, even “domestic slavery” (86). Amidst the hardships of slavery, however, there were “paths to freedom.” Enslaved people in Luanda could buy their freedom or report abusive masters for redress. What is not clear from the discussion is the real source of the increasing harshness of slavery by the mid-nineteenth century. Was this development due to the demanding nature of commercial plantations or foreign racialized notions of chattel slavery? Whatever the case, Oliveira highlights the fierce resistance of enslaved Africans against their oppressors. Enslaved people who fled founded “mutoltos,” the settlements “that constantly formed around Angola” (95). I find the idea of mutoltos particularly interesting because one could easily draw parallels with quilombos or settlements of runaway slaves in Brazil. This was clearly not Oliveira’s focus. But such a comparison could have been worthwhile, in a book that grounds Angola in a comparative Portuguese/Brazilian imperial history during and in the aftermath of the slave trade. Finally, Oliveira shows how toward the second half of the nineteenth century, racial cleavages between whites and Luso-Africans began to harden. The definition of “white” became exclusive of Luso-Africans in ways that paralleled the emergence of new colonial racial hierarchies in the Atlantic port towns of Africa at the end of the nineteenth century (81). Overall, I highly recommend this book. Slave Trade and Abolition brings fresh perspectives on African and Euro-African women who, through their conjugal relationships with European men, not only participated in the Atlantic slave trade but also steered the course of the socalled legitimate commerce.
纳米比亚殖民时期的钻石战士:奥万博兰的钻石走私、移民工人和发展
贸易以及咖啡、棉花和甘蔗等商品的贸易。在这个过渡时期,罗安达的人口也从1844年底的5605人增长到1850年的12565人。人口的急剧增长主要是由于奴隶贸易的结束。此外,北欧对热带商品的需求导致当地奴隶劳工在安哥拉种植园工作的扩大。在罗安达的12565人中,有6020人(45%)被奴役。奥利维拉认为,在这一时期,奴隶制变得越来越严酷,甚至成为“家庭奴隶制”(86)。然而,在奴隶制的艰辛中,也有“通往自由的道路”。罗安达被奴役的人可以花钱赎身或举报虐待主人以获得赔偿。讨论中不清楚的是,到19世纪中叶,奴隶制日益严酷的真正根源是什么。这种发展是由于商业种植园的苛刻性质还是由于外国种族化的动产奴隶制观念?无论如何,奥利维拉强调了被奴役的非洲人对压迫者的激烈反抗。逃离的奴隶建立了“mutoltos”,即“不断在安哥拉周围形成”的定居点(95)。我觉得mutoltos这个概念特别有趣,因为人们很容易将其与巴西的“歌伦波”或逃亡奴隶定居点相提并论。这显然不是奥利维拉的重点。但这样的比较是值得的,因为这本书将安哥拉置于葡萄牙/巴西帝国在奴隶贸易期间和之后的比较历史中。最后,奥利维拉展示了在19世纪下半叶,白人和葡裔非洲人之间的种族分裂是如何开始加剧的。“白人”的定义被排除在葡裔非洲人之外,其方式与19世纪末非洲大西洋港口城镇出现的新殖民种族等级制度类似(81)。总之,我强烈推荐这本书。《奴隶贸易与废除》为非洲和欧洲女性提供了新的视角,她们通过与欧洲男性的婚姻关系,不仅参与了大西洋奴隶贸易,而且还引导了所谓的合法贸易的进程。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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